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published in 

three volumes, 






ten ,, 






eighteen „ 






twenty ,, 






twenty ,, 






twenty „ 






twenty-one „ 





twenty-two „ 






twenty-five ,, 





ninth edition and eleven 

supplementary volumes, 





published in 

twenty-nine volumes, 




in all countries subscribing to the 

Bern Convention 



of the 

All rights reserved 











New York 

Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc. 

342 Madison Avenue 

Copyright, in the United States of America, 1911, 


The Encyclopedia Britannica Company, 


A. A. M. Arthur Anthony Macdonell, M.A., Ph.D. f 

Boden Professor of Sanskrit in the University of Oxford. Keeper of the Indian j xfsiiflsco 
Institute. Fellow of Balliol College; Fellow of the British Academy. Author of 1 ft - auuasa ' 
A Vedic Grammar ; A History of Sanskrit Literature ; Vedic Mythology ; &c. L 

A. B. D. Rev. Andrew B. Davidson, D.D. f T . ,. rt 

See the biographical article: Davidson, A. B. \ JoD V n P art >' 

A.C.S. Algernon Charles .Swinburne. \k*z.\& (in part). 

See the biographical article: Swinburne, A. C. L 

A. D. Henry Austin Dobson, LL.D. 

See the biographical article: Dobson, H. Austin. \ ' 

A. E. S. Arthur Everett Shipley, M.A., F.R.S., D.Sc. j" 

Master c\f Christ's College, Cambridge. Reader in Zoology, Cambridge University, -j Kjnorhyncha. 
Joint-editor of the Cambridge Natural History. [_ 

A. F. P. Albert Frederick Pollard, M.A., F.R.Hist.Soc. 























A Kauffmann, Angelica. 

Professor of English History in the University of London. Fellow of All Souls' 
College, Oxford. Assistant Editor of the Dictionary of National Biography, 1893- 
1901. Lothian Prizeman (Oxford), 1892; Arnold prizeman, 1898. Author of 
England under the Protector Somerset ; Henry VIII. ; Life of Thomas Cranmer ; &c. 

Jewel, John. 

A. G. Major Arthur George Frederick Griffiths (d. 1908). f 

H.M. Inspector of Prisons, 1878-1896. Author of The Chronicles of Newgate ; \ Juvenile Offenders (in part). 

Secrets of the Prison House ; &c. I 

Rev. Alexander Gordon, M.A. f Joris; 

Lecturer on Church History in the University of Manchester. \ Knipperdollinck. 

Arthur George Doughty, C.M.G., M.A., Litt.D., F.R.S.(Canada), F.R.Hist.S. f 

Dominion Archivist of Canada. Member of the Geographical Board of Canada. J j jy dg Lotbiniere 
Author of The Cradle of New France; &c. Joint-editor of Documents relating to 1 
the Constitutional History of Canada. L 

Rev. Archibald Henry Sayce, Litt.D., LL.D. J Kassites. 

See the biographical article: Sayce, A. H. L 

Sir A. Houtum-Schindler/CI.E. JKarun; Kerman; 

General in the Persian Army. Author of Eastern Persian Irak. I Khorasan; Kishm. 

Arthur Hamilton Smith, M.A., F.S.A. f 

Keeper of the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities in the British Museum. J Jewelry 
Member of the Imperial German Archaeological Institute. Author of Catalogue [ 
of Greek Sculpture in the British Museum ; &c. I 

Agnes Mary Clerke. f j{ eB i er 

See the biographical article : Clerke, A. M. I ^ 

Alfred Ogle Maskell, F.S.A. f 

Superintendent of the Picture Galleries, Indian and Colonial Exhibition, 1887. J Ivory. 
Cantor Lecturer, 1906. Founder and first editor of the Downside Review. Author j 
of Ivories; &c. I. 

fJabiru; Jacamar; JaQana; 

Alfred Newton, F.R.S. i"^"^ 5 K ^ V °'' 

See the biographical article: Newton, Alfred. 1 „ ,1' K -»"! eer ; »mg- 

Bird; Kingfisher; Kinglet' 

Kite; Kiwi; Knot. 
A. T. I. Alexander Taylor Innes, M.A., LL.D. f 

Scotch advocate. Author of lohn Knox; Law of Creeds in Scotland; Studies in\ Knox, John. 
Scottish History; &c. (_ 

1 A complete list, showing all individual contributors, appears in the final volume. 



A. W. H.* Arthur William Holland. f 

Formerly Scholar of St John's College, Oxford. Bacon Scholar of Gray's Inn, ■< Jacobites. 
1900. [ 

A. W. W. Adolphus William Ward, LL.D., D.Litt. f Tft _ cn _ n ._ 

See the biographical article: Ward, A. W. \ Jonson > Ben - 

B. F. S. B.-P. Major Baden F. S. Baden-Powell, F.R.A.S., F.R.Met.S. f" 

Inventor of man-lifting kites. Formerly President of Aeronautical Society. Author < Kite-flying (in part). 
of Ballooning as a Sport ; War in Practice ; &c. (_ 

B. W. B. Rev. Benjamin Wisner Bacon, A.M., D.D., Litt.D., LL.D. f T „ . 

Professor of New Testament Criticism and Exegesis in Yale University. Formerly J James > epistle Ot; 

Director of American School of Archaeology, Jerusalem. Author of The Fourth Jude, The General Epistle of. 

Gospel in Research and Debate ; The Founding of the Church ; &c. L 

C. D. G. Rev. Christian David Ginsburg, LL.D. ["„. ..,.,. . A 

See the biographical article: Ginsburg, C. D. ^Kabbalah (in part). 

C. El. Sir Charles Norton Edgcumbe Eliot, K.C.M.G., C.B., M.A., LL.D., D.C.L. r 

Vice- Chancellor of Sheffield University. Formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Kashgar (in part) ; 
Oxford. H.M.'s Commissioner and Commander-in-Chief for the British East -s Khazars (in part); 
Africa Protectorate; Agent and Consul-General at Zanzibar; Consul-General for Khiva (in -bart) 
German East Africa, 1900-1904. I * '' 

C. E. D. B. C. E. D. Black. J" u 

Formerly Clerk for Geographical Records, India Office, London. \ Kashgar (m part). 

C. H. Ha. Carlton Huntley Hayes, A.M., Ph.D. f 

Assistant Professor of History in Columbia University, New York City. Members John XXL" Julius II. 
of the American Historical Association. I *' " 

- H. T.* Crawford Howell Toy. f T , ,•.,■> 

See the biographical article: Toy, Crawford Howell. \ J0 " ( - m P art >- 

C. J. J. Charles Jasper Joly, F.R.S., F.R.A.S. (1864-1006). f 

Royal Astronomer of Ireland, and Andrews Professor of Astronomy in the Uni- J «• , -j„ c „„_. 
versity of Dublin, 1897-1906. Fellow of Trinity College, Dublin. Secretary of the 1 *«ieiaoscope. 
Royal Irish Academy. I 

C. J. L. Sir Charles James Lyall, K.CS.L, CLE., LL.D^ (Edin.). . . _ f 

Secretary, Judicial and Public Department, India Office. Fellow of King's College, 
London. Secretary to Government of India in Home Department, 1 889-1 894. 
Chief Commissioner, Central Provinces, India, 1 895-1 898. Author of Translations 
of Ancient Arabic Poetry; &c. 


C L. K. Charles Lethbridge Kingsford, M.A., F.R.Hist.Soc, F.S.A. f 

Assistant Secretary to the Board of Education. Author of Life of Henry V. Editor -j Kempe. 
of Chronicles of London, and Stow's Survev of London. [ 

C. Mi. Chedomille Mijatovich. f 

Senator of the Kingdom of Servia. Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni- J Karageorge; 
potentiary of the King of Servia to the Court of St James's, 1895-1900, and 1002- I Karajich. 
I9°3- I 

C. M. W. Sir Charles Moore Watson, K.C.M.G., C.B. <- 

Colonel, Royal Engineers. Deputy-Inspector-General of Fortifications, 1896-1902. J Jerusalem (in part). 
Served under General Gordon in the Sudan, 1874-1875. [ 

C. R. B. Charles Raymond Beazley, M.A., D.Litt., F.R.G.S., F.R.Hist.S. 

Professor of Modern History in the University of Birmingham. Formerly Fellow 

of Merton College, Oxford, and University Lecturer in the History of Geography. <j Jordanus. 

Lothian Prizeman, Oxford, 1889. Lowell Lecturer, Boston, 1908. Author of 

Henry the Navigator; The Dawn of Modern Geography; &c. 

C. S. C. Caspar Stanley Clark. J Kashi / ■ j. ,\ 
Assistant in Indian Section, Victoria and Albert Museum, South Kensington. 1 \n y ). 

C u/a Cfctt Weathert y C 

Formerly Scholar of Queen's College, Oxford. Barrister-at-Law, Inner Temple. \ Knighthood: Orders of. 

C W. W. Sir Charles William Wilson, K.C.B., K.C.M.G., F.R.S. (1836-1907). 

Major-General, Royal Engineers. Secretary to the North American Boundary 
Commission, 1858-1862. British Commissioner on the Servian Boundary Com- 

Jerusalem (in part) ; 

mission. Director-General of the Ordnance Survey, 1886-1894. Director-General^ Jordan (in part); 

of Military Education, 1895-1898. Author of From Korti to Khartoum; Life of 
Lord Clive; &c. 

Kurdistan (in part). 

D. G. H. David George Hogarth, M.A. r T , ., T , , . A 

Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford. Jebeii; Jordan (in part); 
Fellow of the British Academy. Excavated at Paphos, 1888; Naucratis, 1899^ Karamania; 
and 1903; Ephesus, 1904-1905; Assiut, 1906-1907. Director, British School at Kha'rput; Konia. 
Athens, 1897-1900. Director, Cretan Exploration Fund, 1899. I 

D. H. David Hannay. f Junius; Kanaris; 

Formerly British Vice-Consul at Barcelona. Author of Short History of the Royal -I Keith, Viscount; 
Navy, 1217-1688; Life of Emilio Castelar; &c. I Keppel, Viscount. 

B. B. Edward Breck, M. A., Ph.D. r 

Formerly Foreign Correspondent of the New York Herald and the New York Times. J Kite-flying (in pwf). 
Author of Fencing, Wilderness Pets; Sporting in Nova Scotia; &c. (_ 



E. Br. 
E. F. S. 

E. G. 
E. Gr. 
E. He. 

E. H. B. 

E. H. M. 

Ed. M. 

E. 0.* 

E. Tn. 

F. By. 

F. C. C. 

Ernest Barker, M.A. 

Fellow and Lecturer in Modern History, St John's College, 
Fellow and Tutor of Merton College. Craven Scholar, 1895. 

Oxford. Formerly^ Jordanes (in part). 

Edward Fairbrother Strange. 

Assistant Keeper, Victoria and Albert Museum, South Kensington. Member of 
Council, Japan Society. Author of numerous works on art subjects; Joint-editor 
of Bell's " Cathedral " Series. 

Edmund Gosse, LL.D. 

See the biographical article : 

Gosse, Edmund. 

Ernest Arthur Gardner, M.A. 

See the biographical article: Gardner, Percy. 

Edward Heawood, M.A. 

Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge. Librarian of the Royal Geographical 
Society, London. 

Sir Edward Herbert Bunbury, Bart., M.A., F.R.G.S. (d. 1895). 

M.P. for Bury St Edmunds, 1847-1852. Author of A History of Ancient Geography; 

Ellis Hovell Minns, M.A. 

University Lecturer in Palaeography, Cambridge. 

Japan: Art {in part) 
Korin, Ogata; 
Kyosai, Sho-Fu. 

f Jacobsen, Jens Peter; 
IKalewala; Kyd, Thomas. 

■I Ithaca. 


-j Italy: Geography (in part). 

Lecturer and Assistant Librarian 

at Pembroke College, Cambridge. Formerly Fellow of Pembroke College. 


Eduard Meyer, Ph.D., D.Litt. (Oxon.), LL.D. f 

Professor of Ancient History in the University of Berlin. Author of Geschichte des \ Kavadh. 
Alterthums ; Geschichte des alien Aegyptens; Die Israeliten und ihre Nachbarstamme. \_ 

Edmund Owen, M.B., F.R.C.S., LL.D., D.Sc. 

Consulting Surgeon to St Mary's Hospital, London, and to the Children's Hospital, 
Great Ormond Street; late Examiner in Surgery in the Universities of Cambridge, 
Durham and London. Author of A Manual of Anatomy for Senior Students. 

Joints: Diseases and Injuries; 
Kidney Diseases (in part). 

Jesuits (in part). 

Rev. Ethelred Luke Taunton (d. 1907). 

Author of The English Black Monks of St Benedict ; History of the Jesuits in England. 

Captain Frank Brinkley, R.N. r 

Foreign Adviser to Nippon Yusen Kaisha, Tokyo. Correspondent of The Times J . 
in Japan. Editor of the Japan Mail. Formerly Professor of Mathematics at 1 Ja P an - 
Imperial Engineering College, Tokyo. Author of Japan; &c. [ 

Frederick Cornwallis Conybeare, M.A., D.Th. (Giessen). 

Fellow of the British Academy. Formerly Fellow of University College, Oxford. -I Jacobite Church. 
Author of The Ancient Armenian Texts of Aristotle; Myth, Magic and Morals; &c. 



M. B. 














. Sy. 









. R.* 


, A 

. Gr. 

Frederick George Meeson Beck, M.A. 

Fellow and Lecturer in Classics, Clare College, Cambridge. 

Kent, Kingdom of. 

G. E. 

G. F. Mo. 

Frederick Gymer Parsons, F.R.C.S., F.Z.S., F.R.Anthrop.Inst. f 

Vice-President, Anatomical Society of Great Britain and Ireland. Lecturer on J T„j_i,.. a , 
Anatomy at St Thomas's Hospital and the London School of Medicine for Women. 1 J0lnl5 - Anatomy. 
Formerly Hunterian Professor at the Royal College of Surgeons. I 

Lady Lugard. f Kano; 

See the biographical article: Lugard, Sir F. J. D. \Katagum. 

Francis Llewellyn Griffith, M.A., Ph.D. (Leipzig), F.S.A. r 

Reader in Egyptology, Oxford University. Editor of the Archaeological Survey J - . 
and Archaeological Reports of the Egypt Exploration Fund. Fellow of Imperial 1 *"* rnaK « 
German Archaeological Institute. L 

Frank R. Cana. 

Author of South Africa from the Great Trek to the Union. 

Friedrich Schwally. 

Professor of Semitic Philology in the University of Gieseen. 

Francis Samuel Philbrick, A.M., Ph.D. r 

Formerly Teaching Fellow of Nebraska State University, and Scholar and Fellow -| Jefferson, Thomas. 
of Harvard University. Member of American Historical Association. I ' " 

Baron Friedrich von Hugel. 

Member of Cambridge Philological Society ; Member of Hellenic Society, 
of The Mystical Element of Religion ; &c. 

Frederick William Rudler, I. SO., F.G.S. 

Curator and Librarian of the Museum of Practical Geology, London, 1879-1902. 
President of the Geologists' Association, 1887-1889. 

George Abraham Grierson, CLE., Ph.D., D.Litt. /■ 

Member of the Indian Civil Service, 1873-1903. In charge of the Linguistic Survey I 
of India, 1898-1902. Gold Medallist, Royal Asiatic Society, 1909. Vice-President J Kashmiri. 
of the Royal Asiatic Society. Formerly Fellow of Calcutta University. Author of 
The Languages of India ; &c. [_ 

Rev. George Edmundson, M.A., F.R.Hist.S. f 

Formerly Fellow and Tutor of Brasenose College, Oxford. Ford's Lecturer, 1909. J Jaeoba 
Hon. Member, Dutch Historical Society, and Foreign Member, Netherlands Associa- | 
tion of Literature. I 

Rev. George Foot Moore. 

See the biographical article : Moore, George Foot. 

i Kharga. 

I Koran (in part). 

Author [John: The Apostle; 
J John, Gospel of St. 

Jade; Jargoon; 
Jasper; Kaolin. 


G. G. Co. 

G. H. Bo. 

G. K. 

G. Mi. 

G. Sa. 
G. S. L. 
G. S. R. 

G. W. T. 

H. A. W. 
H. Ch. 
H. CI. 

H. C. H. 


























George Gordon Coulton, M.A. 

Birkbeck Lecturer in Ecclesiastical History, Trinity College, Cambridge. Author of 
Medieval Studies ; Chaucer and his England ; From St Francis to Dante ; &c. 

Knighthood and Chivalry. 

Rev. George Herbert Box, M.A. 

Rector of Sutton Sandy, Beds. Formerly Hebrew Master, Merchant Taylors' 
School, London. Lecturer in Faculty of Theology, University of Oxford, 1908- 
1909. Author of Translation of Book of Isaiah; &c. {_ 

Gtjstav Kruger. <" 

Professor of Church History in the University of Giessen. Author of Das Papsttum; -I Justin Martyr. 

John the Baptist; 
Joseph (New Testament); 
Jubilee, Year of {in part] 



Rev. George Miixigan, D.D. 

Professor of Divinity and Biblical Criticism in the University of Glasgow. Author 
of The Theology of the Epistle to the Hebrews ; Lectures from the Greek Papyri ; &c. 

George Saintsbury, LL.D., D.C.L. 

See the biographical article: Saintsbury, G. E. B. 

George Somes Layard. 

Barrister-at-Law, Inner Temple. Author of Charles Keene; Shirley Brooks; &c. 

Sir George Scott Robertson, K.C.S.I., D.C.L., M.P. 

Formerly British Agent in Gilgit. Author of The Kafirs of the Hindu Kush ; 
Chitral: the Story of a Minor Siege. M.P. Central Division, Bradford. 

Rev. Griffithes Wheeler Thatcher, M.A., B.D. 

Warden of Camden College, Sydney, N.S.W. Formerly Tutor in Hebrew and Old - 
Testament History at Mansfield College, Oxford. 

James (New Testament); 
Judas Iscariot. 

Keene, Charles S. 



Jarir Ibn 'Atiyya ul-Khatfl; 
Jauhari; Jawaliqi; Jurjani, 
KhalH Ibn Ahmad; Khansa; 
Kindi; Kumait Ibn Zaid. 

Editor of the Scottish Geographical -I Java (in part) . 

Hugh Alexander Webster. 

Formerly Librarian of University of Edinburgh. 


Hugh Chisholm, M.A. 

Formerly Scholar of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. Editor of the nth edition 
of the Encyclopaedia Britannica; Co-editor of the loth edition. 

Sir Hugh Charles Clifford, K.C.M.G. 

Colonial Secretary, Ceylon. Fellow of the Royal Colonial Institute. Formerly 
Resident, Pahang. Colonial Secretary, Trinidad and Tobago, 1903-1907. Author 
of Studies in Brown Humanity ; Further India; &c. Joint-author of A Dictionary 
of the Malay Language. 

Horace Carter Hovey, A.M., D,D. 

Fellow of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, Geological 
Society of America, National Geographic Society and Societe de Speleologie (France). 
Author of Celebrated American Caverns; Handbook of Mammoth Cave of Kentucky; 

Sir Henry Creswicke Rawlinson, Bart. 

See the biographical article: Rawlinson, Sir H. C. 

Hippolyte Delehaye, S.J. 

Assistant in the compilation of the Bollandist publications: Analecta Bollandiana 
and Acta sanctorum. 

Hector Munro Chadwick, M.A. 

Librarian and Fellow of Clare College, Cambridge. Reader in Scandinavian , J JuteS. 
Cambridge University. Author of Studies on Anglo-Saxon Institutions. 

Hugh Munro Ross. 

Formerly Exhibitioner of Lincoln College, Oxford. Editor of The Times Engineering \ Kelvin, Lord (in part). 
Supplement. Author of British Railways. 

Joan of Arc (in part). 


Jacobs Cavern. 

Kurdistan (in part). 

Januarius, St; 
Kilian, St. 

Herbert M. Vaughan, F.S.A. 

Keble College, Oxford. Author of The Last of the Royal Stuarts; The Medici 
Popes ; The Last Stuart Queen. 

Henry William Carless Davis, M.A. 

Fellow and Tutor of Balliol College, Oxford. Fellow of All Souls' College, Oxford, 
1895-1902. Author of England under the Normans and Angevins; Charlemagne. 

H. Wickham Steed. 

Correspondent of The Times at Vienna. Correspondent of The Times at Rome, 

Sir Henry Yule, K.C.S.I., C.B. 

See the biographical article: Yule, Sir Henry. 

Israel Abrahams, M.A. 

Reader in Talmudic and Rabbinic Literature in the University of Cambridge 
Formerly President, Jewish Historical Society of England. Author of A Short 
History of Jewish Literature; Jewish Life in the Middle Ages; Judaism; &c. 

James: the Pretender; 
King's Evil. 

John, King of England; 
John of Hexham. 

Italy: History (F.). 

Kublai Khan. 

Jacob ben Asher; 


Jews: Dispersion to Modern 


Johanan Ben Zaceia; 
Josippon; Kalisch, Marcus; 



I. L. B. 
J. A. H 

J. A. R 

Isabella L. Bishop. 

See the biographical article : Bishop, Isabella. 


Korea (in part). 


A. S. 






B. A. 



J. G. C. A. 
J. G. Se. 
J. Hn. 

J. H. A. H. 
J. H. F. 
J. H. R. 

J. HI. R. 
J. Ja. 

J. J. L,* 

J. Mt. 
J. N. K. 

J. P. P. 
J. P. Pe. 

J. R. B. 

{ Italy: History (C). 
\ Justinian I. 

John Allen Howe. _ f Joints (Geology) ; 

Curator and Librarian of the Museum of Practical Geology, London. Author of -j Jurassic' Keuper* 
The Geology of Building Stones. [ Kimeridgian. ' 

Very Rev. Joseph Armitage Robinson, D.D. r 

Dean of Westminster. Fellow of the British Academy. Hon. Fellow of Christ's J 
College, Cambridge, and Norrisian Professor of Divinity in the University. Author 1 JeSUS Christ. 

of Some Thoughts on the Incarnation ; &c. l_ 

John Addington Symonds, LL.D. 

See the biographical article, Symonds, John Addington. 

Right Hon. James Bryce, D.C.L., D.Litt. 

See the biographical article: Bryce, James. 

James Bartlett. 

Lecturer on Construction, Architecture, Sanitation, Quantities, &c, at King's 
College, London. Member of Society of Architects. Member of Institute of Junior 

Joseph Beavington Atkinson. 

Formerly art-critic of the Saturday Review. Author of An Art Tour in the Northern - 
Capitals of Europe ; Schools of Modern A rt in Germany. 

James Fitzmaurice-Kelly, Litt.D., F.R.Hist.S. 

Gilmour Professor of Spanish Language and Literature, Liverpool University. 
Norman McColl Lecturer, Cambridge University. Fellow of the British Academy. ' 
Member of the Royal Spanish Academy. Knight Commander of the Order of 
Alphonso XII. Author of A History of Spanish Literature; &c. 

John George Clark Anderson, M.A. 

Censor and Tutor of Christ Church, Oxford. Formerly Fellow of Lincoln College; 
Craven Fellow, Oxford, 1896. Conington Prizeman, 1893. 

Sir James George Scott, K.C.I.E. 

Superintendent and Political Officer, Southern Shan States. 
The Upper Burma Gazetteer. 



Author of Burma; 

Juan Manuel, Don. 



Karen-Ni; KengTung. 

Justus Hashagen, Ph.D. f 

Privatdozent in Medieval and Modern History, University of Bonn. Author of -j John King of SaXOUV. 

Das Rheinland unter die franzosische Herrschaft. {_ ' 

John Henry Arthur Hart, M.A. 

Fellow, Theological Lecturer and Librarian, St John's College, Cambridge. 

John Henry Freese, M.A. 

Formerly Fellow of St John's College, Cambridge. 

J Jews: Greek Domination. 
X Josephus. 

f Janus; 

I Julian (in pari). 

John Horace Round, M.A., LL.D. (Edin.). f" 

Author of Feudal England; Studies in Peerage and Family History; Peerage and I Knight-Service. 
Pedigree. [_ 

John Holland Rose, M.A., Litt.D. f Italy History CD )• 

Lecturer on Modern History to the Cambridge University Local Lectures Syndicate. J . .. . * ^ ''' 
Author of Life of Napoleon I. ; Napoleonic Studies; The Development of the European ) JOsepnine; 
Nations; The Life of Pitt; &c. I Junot. 

Joseph Jacobs, Litt.D. r 

Professor of English Literature in the Jewish Theological Seminary, New York. 

Formerly President of the Jewish Historical Society of England. Corresponding < jg^y The Wandering. 
Member of the Royal Academy of History, Madrid. Author of Jews of Angevin 
England; Studies in Biblical Archaeology; &c. L 

Rev. John James Lias, M.A. 

Chancellor of Llandaff Cathedral. Formerly Hulsean Lecturer in Divinity and 
Lady Margaret Preacher, University of Cambridge. 

James Moffatt, M.A., D.D. 

Jowett Lecturer, London, 1907. 

Author of Historical New Testament ; &c. 

Ketteler, Baron von. 

-J John, Epistles of. 

Jevons, William Stanley. 

Juvenal (in part). 

John Neville Keynes, M.A., D.Sc 

Registrary of the University of Cambridge. University Lecturer in Moral Science. 
Secretary to the Local Examinations and Lectures Syndicate. Formerly Fellow 
of Pembroke College. Author of Studies and Exercises in Formal Logic; &c. 

John Percival Postgate, M.A., Litt.D. 

Professor of Latin in the University of Liverpool. Fellow of Trinity College, . 
Cambridge. Fellow of the British Academy. Editor of the Classical Quarterly. 
Editor-in-Chief of the Corpus Poetarum Latinorum ; &c. 1. 

Rev. John Punnett Peters, Ph.D., D.D. f 

Canon Residentiary, P.E. Cathedral of New York. Formerly Professor of Hebrew in Kerbela; 
the University of Pennsylvania. Director of the University Expedition to Baby- -j Kerkuk; 
Ionia, 1888-1895. Author of Nippur, or Explorations and Adventures on the Khorsabad. 
Euphrates. I 

John Rose Bradford, M.D., D.Sc, F.R.C.P., F.R.S. f 

Physician to University College Hospital. Professor of Materia Medica and . 
Therapeutics, University College, London. Secretary of the Royal Society. 
Formerly Member of Senate, University of London. 

Kidney Diseases (in part). 


J. T. Be. 

J. T. S.* 
J. V.* 

J. W. He. 

K. S. 


L. F. V.-H. 
L. J. S. 

L. C. 
L. D.* 
L. V.* 


M. Br. 
M. F. 

M. M. Bh. 
M. 0. B. C. 
M. P.* 
N. H. 
N. V. 

John Thomas Bealby. 

Joint-author of Stanford's Europe. Formerly Editor of the Scottish Geographical 
Magazine. Translator of Sven Hedin's Through Asia, Central Asia and Tibet; &c. 

Kalmuck; Kaluga; 
Kamchatka; Kara-Kum; 
Kars; Kazan; Kerch; 
Khingan; Khiva; Khokand; 
Khotan; Kiev; 
Kronstadt; Kuban; 
Kuen-Lun; Kursk; Kutais. 

-j Joan of Arc (in part). 

James Thomson Shotwell, Ph.D. 

Professor of History in Columbia University, New York City. 

Jules Viard. f 

Archivist at the National Archives, Paris. Officer of Public Instruction. Author 1 Jacquerie, The. 
of La France sous Philippe VI. de Valois; &c. I 

James Wycliffe Headlam, M.A. 

Staff Inspector of Secondary Schools under the Board of Education. Formerly 
Fellow of King's College, Cambridge. Professor of Greek and Ancient History at ■{ Kossuth. 
Queen's College, London. Author of Bismarck and the Foundation of the German 
Empire; &c. 

Baron Dairoku Kikuchi, M.A., D.Sc., LL.D. 

President of the Imperial University of Kyoto. President of Imperial Academy of _ 
Japan. Emeritus Professor, Imperial University, Tokio. Author of Japanese 
Education; &c. 

Kathleen Schlesinger. 

Editor of the Portfolio of Musical Archaeology. 
Orchestra; &c. 

Japan: The Claim of Japan. 

Author of The Instruments of ihe\ „ . , 
J I Keyboard. 

Count Lutzow, Litt.D. (Oxon.), D.Ph. (Prague), F.R.G.S. 

Chamberlain of H.M. the Emperor of Austria, King of Bohemia. Hon. Member 
of the Royal Society of Literature. Member of the Bohemian Academy, &c. 
Author of Bohemia, a Historical Sketch; The Historians of Bohemia (Ilchester 
Lecture, Oxford, 1904); The Life and Times of John Hus; &c. 

Leveson Francis Vernon-Harcourt, M.A., M.Inst.CE. (1839-1907). 

Formerly Professor of Civil Engineering at University College, London. Author of 
Rivers and Canals; Harbours and Docks; Civil Engineering as applied in Con- 
struction; &c. 

Leonard James Spencer, M.A. 

Jerome of Prague. 



Assistant in the Department of Mineralogy, British Museum^ Formerly Scholar J . ., 

of Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, and Harkness Scholar. 
logical Magazine. 

Rev. Lewis Campbell, D.C.L., LL.D. 

See the biographical article: Campbell, Lewis. 

Louis Duchesne. 

See the biographical article: Duchesne, L. M. O. 

Editor of the Minera- 

-( Jowett. 

/John XIX.; 
I Julius I. 



Italian Foreign Office (Emigration Department). Formerly Newspaper Corre- 
spondent in east of Europe. Italian Vice-Consul in New Orleans, 1906; Phila- J Italy; History (E and G-), 
delphia, 1907; Boston, U.S.A., 1907-1910. Author of Italian Life in Town and 
Country; Fire and Sword in the Caucasus; &c. 

Lord Macaulay. 

See the biographical article: Macaulay, Baron. 

Margaret Bryant. 

Sir Michael Foster, K.C.B., D.C.L., D.Sc, LL.D., F.R.S. 
See the biographical article : Foster, Sir M. 

Sir Mancherjee Merwanjee Bhownaggree. 

Fellow of Bombay University. M.P. for N.E. Bethnal Green, 1895-1906. 
of History of the Constitution of the East India Company ; &c. 

Maximilian Otto Bismarck Caspari, M.A. 

Reader in Ancient History at London University. Lecturer in Greek at Birming- 
ham University, 1905-1908. 

Leon Jacques Maxime Prinet. 

Formerly Archivist to the French National Archives, 
of France (Academy of Moral and Political Sciences). 

Norman McLean, M.A. 

Lecturer in Aramaic, Cambridge University. Fellow and Hebrew Lecturer, Christ's 
College, Cambridge. Joint-editor of the larger Cambridge Septuagint. 

Joseph Marie Noel Valois. 

Member of Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, Paris. Honorary Archivist 
at the Archives Nationales. Formerly President of the Societe de l'Histoire de 
France and the Societe de l'ficole de Chartes. Author of La France et le grand 
schisme a" Occident; &c. 


Author -j 

Auxiliary of the Institute 

Johnson, Samuel. 
Keats (in part). 

Justin II. 

Joinville (Family); 


Juge, Boffllle de. 

Jacob of Edessa; 

Jacob of Serugh; 

Joshua the Stylite. 

John XXIII. 



0. H.* 

0. J. R. H. 
P. A. 

P. A. A. 

P. A. K. 

P. Gi. 

P. G. T. 
P. La. 

P. L. G. 

P. Vi. 
R. A.* 
R. Ad. 
R. A. S. M. 

R. A. W. 

R. F. L. 

R. G. 
R. H. C. 

R. I. P. 
R. J. M. 

R. K. D. 
R. L.* 

Otto Hehner, F.I.C., F.C.S. 

Public Analyst. Formerly President of Society of Public Analysts. Vice-President j T „ mc „_ A T „. 
of Institute of Chemistry of Great Britain and Ireland. Author of works on butter I Jams ana J61H6S. 
analysis; Alcohol Tables; &c. L 


Osbert John Radcliffe Howarth, M.A. 

Christ Church, Oxford. Geographical Scholar, 1901. Assistant Secretary of the 
British Association. 

Java (in part) ; 
Korea (in part). 

Paul Daniel Alphandery. _ r 

Professor of the History of Dogma, Ecole pratique des Hautes Etudes, Sorbonne, J Joachim Of Floris; 
Paris. Author of Les morales chez les heterodoxes latines au debut du XIII' 1 John XXII. 

Philip A. Ashworth, M.A., Doc. Juris. 
New College, Oxford. Barrister-at-Law. 
of the English Constitution. 


Translator of H. R. von Gneist's History -j Jhering. 

Prince Peter Alexeivitch Kropotkin. 

See the biographical article: Kropotkin, P. A. 

Kalmuck; Kaluga; 
Kamchatka; Kara-Kum; 
Kazan; Kerch; Khingan; 
Khokand; Kiev; Kronstadt; 
Kuban; Kuen-Lun; 
Kursk; Kutais. 

Peter Giles, M.A., LL.D., Litt.D. r 

Fellow and Classical Lecturer of Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and University J J. 
Reader in Comparative Philology. Formerly Secretary of the Cambridge Philo- 1 K. 
logical Society. Author of Manual of Comparative Philology. [ 

{ Knot. 

Japan: Geology. 

I Jurisprudence, Comparative. 

•j Kersaint. 

Kant (in part). 


j Joppa; 
[ Kerak. 

Peter Guthrie Tait. 

See the biographical article: Tait, Peter Guthrie. 

Philip Lake, M.A., F.G.S. 

Lecturer on Physical and Regional Geography in Cambridge University. Formerly . 
of the Geological Survey of India. Author of Monograph of British Cambrian 
Ttilobites. Translator and Editor of Kayser's Comparative Geology. I 

Philip Lyttelton Gell, M.A. |~ 

Sometime Scholar of Balliol College, Oxford. Secretary to the Clarendon Press, i Khazars (in -barf) 
Oxford, 1884-1897. Fellow of King's College, London. I '' 

Paul Vinogradoff, D.C.L., LL.D. 

See the biographical article : VlNOGRADOFF, PAUL. 

Robert Anchel. 

Archivist to the Departement de l'Eure. 

Robert Adamson, LL.D. 

See the biographical article: Adamson, Robert. 

Robert Alexander Stewart Macalister, M.A., F.S.A. 

St John's College, Cambridge. Director of Excavations for the Palestine Explora- 
tion Fund. 

Robert Alexander Wahab, C.B., C.M.G., CLE. r 

Colonel, Royal Engineers. Formerly H.M. Commissioner, Aden Boundary De- J ifnuoot 
limitation, and Superintendent, Survey of India. Served with Tirah Expeditionary ] A - uwet " 
Force, 1897-1898; Anglo-Russian Boundary Commission, Pamirs, 1895; &c. I 

Rev. Richard Frederick Littledale, M.A., LL.D., D.C.L. (1833-1800). 

Author of Religious Communities of Women in the Early Church; Catholic Ritual 
in the Church of England; Why Ritualists do not become Roman Catholics. 

Richard Garnett, LL.D. 

See the biographical article: Garnett, Richard. 

Rev. Robert Henry Charles, M.A., D.D., D.Litt. (Oxon.). 

Grinfield Lecturer and Lecturer in Biblical Studies, Oxford and Fellow of Merton 
College. Fellow of the British Academy. Formerly Senior Moderator of Trinity 
College, Dublin. Author and Editor of Book of Enoch ; Book of Jubilees ; Assumption 
of Moses; Ascension of Isaiah; Testaments of the XII. Patriarchs; &c. 

Reginald Innes Pocock, F.Z.S. 

Superintendent of the Zoological Gardens, London. 

Ronald John McNeill, M.A. 

Christ Church, Oxford. Barrister-at-Law. 
Gazette, London. 

Sir Robert Kennaway Douglas. 

Formerly Editor of the St James's 

Jesuits (in part). 


Jeremy, Epistle of; 
Jubilees, Book of; 
Judith, The Book of. 

j King-Crab. 

J Jeffreys, 1st Baron; 
1 Keith: Family. 

Formerly Keeper of Oriental Printed Books and MSS. at the British Museum, and J JenghlZ Khan; 
Professor of Chinese, King's College, London. Author of The Language and Litera- 1 Julien. 
ture of China ; &c. I 

Richard Lydekker, F.R.S., F.G.S. , F.Z.S. 

Member of the Staff of the Geological Survey of India, 1874-1882. Author of 
Catalogue of Fossil Mammals, Reptiles and Birds in the British Museum ; The ' 
Deer of all Lands; The Game Animals of Africa; &c. 


Kangaroo (in part). 



R. N. B. 

R. Po. 

R. P. S. 

R. S. C. 

S. A. C. 








A. I. 




F. C. 




H. H.* 




K. C. 

Th. N. 



T. Wo. 

T. W. R. D. 

W. An. 

Ivan I.- VI.; Jellaehieh; 
John III. : Sobieski ; 
Juel, Jens; Juel, Neils; 
Karman; Kemeny, Baron; 
Kisfaiudy; Kollontaj; 
Koniecpolski; Kosciuszko; 
Kurakin, Prince. 

J4hn, Duke of Burgundy. 

Robert Nisbet Bain (d. 1909). 

Assistant Librarian, British Museum, 1883-1909. Author of Scandinavia, the 
Political History of Denmark, Norway and Sweden, 1513-1900; The First Romanovs, 
16 1 3-1 725 ; Slavonic Europe, the Political History of Poland and Russia from 1460 
to 1796; &c. 

Rene Poupardin, D. es L. r 

Secretary of the Ecole des Chartes. Honorary Librarian at the Bibliotheque J 
Nationale, Paris. Author of Le Royaume de Provence sous les Carclingiens ; Recueil\ 
des chartes de Saint-Germain ; &c. I 

R. Phene Spiers, F.S.A., F.R.I.B.A. 

Formerly Master of the Architectural School, Royal Academy, London. Past 

President of Architectural Association. Associate and Fellow of King's College, J Jacobean Style. 

London. Corresponding Member of the Institute of France. Editor of Fergusson's 

History of A rchitecture. Author of A rchitecture : East and West ; &c. 

Robert Seymour Conway, M.A., D.Litt. (Cantab.). 

Professor of Latin and Indo-European Philology in the University of Manchester. 
Formerly Professor of Latin in University College, Cardiff ; and Fellow of Gonville ' 
and Caius College, Cambridge. Author of The Italic Dialects. 

Stanley Arthur Cook, M.A. 

Lecturer in Hebrew and Syriac, and formerly Fellow, Gonville and Caius College, 
Cambridge. Editor for Palestine Exploration Fund. Examiner in Hebrew and 
Aramaic, London University, 1904-1908. Author of Glossary of Aramaic In- 
scriptions; The Laws of Moses and the Code of Hammurabi; Critical Notes on Old 
Testament History ; Religion of A ncient Palestine ; &c. 

Viscount St Cyres. 

See the biographical article : 

Iddesleigh, ist Earl of. 

Simon Newcomb, D.Sc, D.C.L. 

See the biographical article : Newcomb, Simon. 

Thomas Ashby, M.A., D.Litt. (Oxon.). 

Director of British School of Archaeology at Rome. Formerly Scholar of Christ 
Church, Oxford. Craven Fellow, 1897. Conington Prizeman, 1906. Member of 

Italy: History (A.). 

Jacob; Jehciakim; 
Jehoram; Jehoshaphat; 
Jehu; Jephthah; 
Jerahmeel; Jeroboam; 
Jews: Old Testament History; 
Jezebel; Joab; Joash; 
Joseph: Old Testament; 
Joshua; Josiah; Judah; 
Judges, Book of; 
Kabbalah {in part) ; 
Kenites; Kings, Books of. 


Jupiter: Satellites. 

the Imperial German Archaeological Institute. 

Thomas Allan Ingram, M.A., LL.D. 
Trinity College, Dublin. 

Thomas Athol Joyce, M.A. 

Assistant in Department of Ethnography, British Museum. Hon. Sec, Royal J Kavirondo 
Anthropological Institute. 

Theodore Freylinghuysen Collier, Ph.D. 

Assistant Professor of History, Williams College, Williamstown, Mass., U.S.A. 

Thomas Hodgkin, D.C.L., LL.D. 

See the biographical article : Hodgkin, T. 

{Italy: Geography and Statistics; 
History (B.); 

-I Juvenile Offenders {in part). 



Julius III. 

Balliol College, Oxford. 
University of London. 

Sir Thomas Hungereord Holdich, K.C.M.G., K.C.I.E., D.Sc, F.R.G.S. 

Colonel in the Royal Engineers. Superintendent Frontier Surveys, India, 1892- 
1898. Gold Medallist, R.G.S. (London), 1887. H.M. Commissioner for the Perso- 
Beluch Boundary, 1 896. Author of The Indian Borderland ; The Gates of India ; &c. 

Thomas Kirkup, M.A., LL.D. 

Author of An Inquiry into Socialism; Primer of Socialism; &c. 

Rev. Thomas Kelly Cheyne, D.D. 

See the biographical article : Cheyne, T. K. 

Theodor Noldeke, Ph.D. 

See the biographical article: Noldeke, Theodor. 

Thomas Seccombe, M.A. 

Lecturer in History, East London and Birkbeck Colleges, 
Stanhope Prizeman, Oxford, 1887. Assistant Editor of 
Dictionary of National Biography, 1891-1901. Author of The Age of Johnson. 
Joint-author of Bookman History of English Literature ; &c. 

Thomas Woodhouse. 

Head of the Weaving and Textile Designing Department, Technical College, Dundee. 

Thomas William Rhys Davids, LL.D., Ph.D. 

Professor of Comparative Religion, Manchester. Professor of Pali and Buddhist 
Literature, University College, London, 1882-1904. President of the Pali Text 
Society. Fellow of the British Academy. Secretary and Librarian of Royal 
Asiatic Society, 1 885-1902. Author of Buddhism; Sacred Books of the Buddhists; 
Early Buddhism; Buddhist India; Dialogues of the Buddha; &c. 

William Anderson, F.R.C.S. 

Formerly Chairman of Council of the Japan Society. Author of The Pictorial Arts 
of Japan; Japanese Wood Engravings; Catalogue of Chinese and Japanese Pictures 
in the British Museum ; &c. 

Jordanes {in part). 

f Kabul; Kalat; Kandahar; 
Kashmir; Khyber Pass; 
Kunar; Kushk. 

Julian {in part). 

J Jeremiah; Joel {in part)- 
\ Jonah. 

■] Koran {in part). 

Johnson, Samuel. 




J Japan: Art {in part). 



W. A.B.C. 

W. A. P. 

W. B.* 

W. Ba. 
W. Be. 
W. F. C. 

W. F. D. 

































. F.* 







Rev. William Augustus Brevoort Coolidge, M.A., F.R.G.S., Ph.D. (Bern). 
Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford. Professor of English History, St David's 
College, Lampeter, 1880-1881. Author of Guide to Switzerland; The Alps in 
Nature and in History; &c. Editor of The Alpine Journal, 1880-1889. 

Walter Alison Phillips, M.A. 

Formerly Exhibitioner of Merton College and Senior Scholar of St John's College, 
Oxford. Author of Modern Europe; &c. 

(" Jenatsch, Georg; 
i Jungfrau; 
[ Jura. 


King; Kriemhild; 

Kriidener, Baroness von. 

-! Jonah, Rabbi; Kimhi. 
■\ Jefleries. 
i Jury. 

William Burton, M.A., F.C.S. 

Chairman, Joint Committee of Pottery Manufacturers of Great Britain. Author of i Kashi (in part). 
English Stoneware and Earthenware ; &c. 

William Bacher, Ph.D. 

Professor of Biblical Studies at the Rabbinical Seminary, Buda-Pest. 

Sir Walter Besant. 

See the biographical article: Besant, Sir Walter. 

William Feilden Craies, M.A. 

Barrister-at-Law, Inner Temple. Lecturer on Criminal Law at King's College, 
London. Editor of Archbold's Criminal Pleading, 23rd ed. 

William Frederick Denning, F.R.A.S. 

Gold Medal, R.A.S. President, Liverpool Astronomical Society, 1877-1878. 
Corresponding Fellow of Royal Astronomical Society of Canada; &c. Author of 
Telescopic Work for Starlight Evenings ; The Great Meteoric Shower ; &c. 

William Garnett, M.A., D.C.L. 

Educational Adviser to the London County Council. Formerly Fellow and Lecturer 
of St John's College, Cambridge. Principal and Professor of Mathematics, Durham 
College of Science, Newcastle-on-Tyne. Author of Elementary Dynamics ; &c. 

William Graham Sumner. 

See the biographical article: Sumner, William Graham. 

William Henry Bennett, M.A., D.D., D.Litt. (Cantab.). 

Professor of Old Testament Exegesis in New and Hackney Colleges, London. 
Formerly Fellow of St John's College, Cambridge. Lecturer in Hebrew at Firth 
College, Sheffield. Author of Religion of the Post-Exilic Prophets ; &c. 

William Henry Dines, F.R.S. 

Director of Upper Air Investigation for the English Meteorological Office. 

Sir William H. Flower, LL.D. 

See the biographical article: Flower, Sir W. H. 

Walter Lynwood Fleming, A.M., Ph.D. 

Professor of History in Louisiana State University. 
of Reconstruction ; &c. 

Sir William Lee-Warner, M.A., K. C.S.I. 

Member of Council of India. Formerly Secretary in the Political and Secret 
Department of the India Office. Author of Life of the Marquis of Dalhousie; 
Memoirs of Field- Marshal Sir Henry Wylie Norman; &c. 

William Michael Rossetti. 

See the biographical article : Rossetti, Dante G. 

Sir William Mitchell Ramsay, LL.D., D.C.L. 
See the biographical article, Ramsay, Sir W. M. 

William Price James. 

Barrister-at-Law, Inner Temple. High Bailiff, Cardiff County Court. Author of 
Romantic Professions; &c. 

William Robertson Smith, LL.D. 

See the biographical article: Smith. William Robertson. 

William Warde Fowler, M.A. 

Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford. Sub-rector, 1881-1904. Gifford Lecturer 
Edinburgh University, 1908. Author of The City-State of the Greeks and Romans 
The Roman Festivals of the Republican Period ;'&c. 

William Walker Rockwell, Lic.Theol. 

Assistant Professor of Church History, Union Theological Seminary, New York. 

William Young Sellar, LL.D. 

See the biographical article: Sellar, W. Y. 

Author of Documentary History 

•j Jupiter. 

J. Kelvin, Lord. 

i Jaekson, Andrew. 
-j Japheth. 

< Kite-flying (in part). 

-I Kangaroo (in part). 

j Knights of the Golden Circle; 
I Ku KIux Klan. 

} Jung Bahadur, Sir. 

j Kneller. 

j Jupiter (in part). 

i Kipling, Rudyard. 

f Joel (in part) ; 
t Jubilee, Year of (in part). 

\ Juno; 

1 Jupiter (in part). 

■I Jerusalem, Synod of. 
i Juvenal (in part). 









Know Nothing Party. 




ITALY (Italia), the name 1 applied both in ancient and in 
modern times to the great peninsula that projects from the mass 
of central Europe far to the south into the Mediterranean Sea, 
where the island of Sicily may be considered as a continuation 
of the continental promontory. The portion of the Mediterranean 
commonly termed the Tyrrhenian Sea forms its limit on the W. 
and S., and the Adriatic on the E.; while to the N., where it 
joins the main continent of Europe, it is separated from the 
adjacent regions by the mighty barrier of the Alps, which sweeps 
round in a vast semicircle from the head of the Adriatic to the 
shores of Nice and Monaco. 

Topography. — The land thus circumscribed extends between 
the parallels of 46° 40' and 36 38' N., and between 6° 30' and 
18° 30' E. Its greatest length in a straight line along the main- 
land is from N.W. to S.E., in which direction it measures 708 m. 
in a direct line from the frontier near Courmayeur to Cape Sta 
Maria di Leuca, south of Otranto, but the great mountain 
peninsula of Calabria extends about two degrees farther south 
to Cape Spartivento in lat. 37° 55'. Its breadth is, owing to its 
configuration, very irregular. The northern portion, measured 
from the Alps at the Monte Viso to the mouth of the Po, has a 
breadth of about 270 m., while the maximum breadth, from the 
Rocca Chiardonnet near Susa to a peak in the valley of the 
Isonzo, is 354 m. But the peninsula of Italy, which forms the 
largest portion of the country, nowhere exceeds 150 m. in breadth, 
while it does not generally measure more than 100 m. across. Its 
southern extremity, Calabria, forms a complete peninsula, being 
united to the mass of Lucania or the Basilicata by an isthmus 
only 35 m. in width, while that between the gulfs of Sta Eufemia 
and Squillace, which connects the two portions of the province, 
does not exceed 20 m. The area of the kingdom of Italy, exclusive 
of the large islands, is computed at 91,277 sq. m. Though 
the Alps form throughout the northern boundary of 
Italy, the exact limits at the extremities of the Alpine 
chain are not clearly marked. Ancient geographers 
appear to have generally regarded the remarkable headland 
which descends from the Maritime Alps to the sea between Nice 
and Monaco as the limit of Italy in that direction, and in a 
purely geographical point of view it is probably the best point 
that could be selected. But Augustus, who was the first to give 
to Italy a definite political organization, carried the frontier to 
1 On the derivation see below, History, section A, ad. init. 
XV. J 


the river Varus or Var, a few miles west of Nice, and this rivei 
continued in modern times to be generally recognized as the 
boundary between France and Italy. But in i860 the annexation 
of Nice and the adjoining territory to France brought the 
political frontier farther east, to a point between Mentone and 
Ventimiglia which constitutes no natural limit. 

Towards the north-east, the point where the Julian Alps 
approach close to the seashore (just at the sources of the little 
stream known in ancient times as the Timavus) would seem to 
constitute the best natural limit. But by Augustus the frontier 
was carried farther east so as to include Tergeste (Trieste), and 
the little river Formio (Risano) was in the first instance chosen 
as the limit, but this was subsequently transferred to the river 
Arsia (the Arsa), which flows into the Gulf of Quarnero, so as 
to include almost all Istria; and the circumstance that the 
coast of Istria was throughout the middle ages held by the 
republic of Venice tended to perpetuate this arrangement, so 
that Istria was generally regarded as belonging to Italy, though 
certainly not forming any natural portion of that country. 
Present Italian aspirations are similarly directed. 

The only other part of the northern frontier of Italy where the 
boundary is not clearly marked by nature is Tirol or the valley 
of the Adige. Here the main chain of the Alps (as marked by 
the watershed) recedes so far to the north that it has never 
constituted the frontier. In ancient times the upper valleys of 
the Adige and its tributaries were inhabited by Raetian tribes 
and included in the province of Raetia; and the line of demarca- 
tion between that province and Italy was purely arbitrary, 
as it remains to this day. Tridentum or Trent was in the time 
of Pliny included in the tenth region of Italy or Venetia, but he 
tells us that the inhabitants were a Raetian tribe. At the present 
day the frontier between Austria and the kingdom of Italy 
crosses the Adige about 30 m. below Trent — that city and its 
territory, which previous to the treaty of Luneville in 1801 was 
governed by sovereign archbishops, subject only to the German 
emperors, being now included in the Austrian empire. 

While the Alps thus constitute the northern boundary of Italy, 
its configuration and internal geography are determined almost 
entirely by the great chain of the Apennines, which branches off 
from the Maritime Alps between Nice and Genoa, and, after 
stretching in an unbroken line from the Gulf of Genoa to the 
Adriatic, turns more to the south, and is continued throughout 




Central and Southern Italy, of which it forms as it were the back- 
bone, until it ends in the southernmost extremity of Calabria at 
Cape Spartivento. The great spur or promontory projecting 
towards the east to Brindisi and Otranto has no direct con- 
nexion with the central chain. 

One chief result of the manner in which the Apennines traverse 
Italy from the Mediterranean to the Adriatic is the marked 
division between Northern Italy, including the region north of the 
Apennines and extending thence to the foot of the Alps, and the 
central and more southerly portions of the peninsula. No such 
line of separation exists farther south, and the terms Central and. 
Southern Italy, though in general use among geographers and 
convenient for descriptive purposes, do not correspond to any 
natural divisions. 

i. Northern Italy. — By far the larger portion of Northern Italy is 
occupied by the basin of the Po, which comprises the whole of the 
broad plain extending from the foot of the Apennines to that of the 
Alps, together with the valleys and slopes on both sides of it. From 
its source in Monte Viso to its outflow into the Adriatic — a distance 
of more than 220 m. in a direct line — the Po receives all the waters 
that flow from the Apennines northwards, and all those that descend 
from the Alps towards the south, Mincio (the outlet of the Lake of 
Garda) inclusive. The next river to the E. is the Adige, which, 
after pursuing a parallel course with the Po for a considerable 
distance, enters the Adriatic by a separate mouth. Farther to the 
N. and N.E. the various rivers of Venetia fall directly into the Gulf 
of Venice. , 

There is no other instance in Europe of a basin of similar extent 
equally clearly characterized — the perfectly level character of the 
plain being as striking as the boldness with which the lower slopes 
of the mountain ranges begin to rise on each side of it. This is most 
clearly marked on the side of the Apennines, where the great Aemilian 
Way, which has been the high road. from the time of the Romans 
to our own, preserves an unbroken straight line from Rimini to 
Piacenza, a distance of more than 150 m., during which the underfalls 
of the mountains continually approach it on the left, without once 
crossing the line of road. 

The geography of Northern Italy will be best described by following 
the course of the Po. That river has its origiji as a mountain torrent 
descending from two little dark lakes on the north flank of Monte Viso, 
at a height of more than 6000 ft. above the sea; and after a course of 
less than 20 m. it enters the plain at Saluzzo, between which and 
Turin, a distance of only 30 m., it receives three considerable tribu- 
taries — the Chisone on its left bank, bringing down the waters from 
the valley of Fenestrelle, and the Varaita and Maira on the south, 
contributing those of two valleys of the Alps immediately south 
of that of the Po itself. A few miles below Valenza it is joined by the 
Tanaro, a large stream, which brings with it the united waters of 
the Stura, the Bormida and several minor rivers. 

More important are the rivers that descend from the main chain 
of the Graian and Pennine Alps and join the Po on its left bank. 
Of these the Dora (called for distinction's sake Dora Riparia), which 
unites with the greater river just below Turin, has its source in the 
Mont Genevre, and flows past Susa at the foot of the Mont Cenis. 
Next comes the Stura, which rises in the glaciers of the Roche Melon; 
then the Orca, flowing through the Val di Locana; and then the 
Dora Baltea, one of the greatest of all the Alpine tributaries of the 
Po, which has its source in the glaciers of Mont Blanc, above Cour- 
mayeur, and thence descends through the Val d'Aosta for about 70 m. 
till it enters the plain at Ivrea, and, after flowing about 20 m. more, 
joins the Po a few miles below Chivasso. This great valley — one of 
the most considerable on the southern side of the Alps — has attracted 
special attention, in ancient as well as modern times, from its leading 
to two of the most frequented passes across the great mountain chain 
— the Great and the Little St Bernard — the former diverging at Aosta, 
and crossing the main ridges to the north into the valley of the Rhone, 
the other following a more westerly direction into Savoy. Below 
Aosta also the Dora Baltea receives several considerable tributaries, 
which descend from the glaciers between Mont Blanc and Monte Rosa. 
About 25 m. below its confluence with the Dora, the Po receives the 
Sesia, also a large river, which has its source above Alagna at the 
southern foot of Monte Rosa, and after flowing by Varallo and 
Vercelli falls into the Po about 14 m. below the latter city. About 
30 m. east of this confluence — in the course of which the Po makes 
a great bend south to Valenza, and then returns again to the north- 
ward — it is joined by the Ticino, a large and rapid river, which 
brings with it the outflow of Lago Maggiore and all the waters that 
flow into it. Of these the Ticino itself has its source about 10 m. 
above Airolo at the foot of the St Gotthard, and after flowing above 
36 m. through the Val Leventina to Bellinzona (where it is joined 
by the Moesa bringing down the waters of the Val Misocco) enters the 
lake through a marshy plain at Magadino, about 10 m. distant. On 
the west side of the lake the Toccia or Tosa descends from the pass 
of the Gries nearly due south to Domodossola, where it receives the 
waters of the Doveria from the Simplon, and a few miles lower down 
those of the Val d'Anzasca from the foot of Monte Rosa, and 12 m. 

farther has its outlet into the lake between Baveno and Pallanza. 
The Lago Maggiore is also the receptacle of the waters of the Lago 
di Lugano on the east and the Lago d'Orta on the west. 

The next great affluent of the Po, the Adda, forms the outflow of 
the Lake of Como, and has also its sources in the Alps, above Bormio, 
whence it flows through the broad and fertile valley of the Valtellina 
for more than 65 m. till it enters the lake near Colico. The Adda in 
this part of its course has a direction almost due east to west; but 
at the point where it reaches the lake, the Liro descends the valley 
of S. Giacomo, which runs nearly north and south from the pass of 
the Spliigen, thus affording one of the most direct lines of communica- 
tion across the Alps. The Adda flows out of the lake at its south- 
eastern extremity at Lecco, and has thence a course through the 
plain of above 70 m. till it enters the Po between Piacenza and 
Cremona. It flows by Lodi and Pizzighettone, and receives the 
waters of the Brembo, descending from the Val Brembana, and the 
Serio from the Val Seriana above Bergamo. The Oglio, a more 
considerable stream than either of the last two, rises in the Monte 
Tonale above Edolo, and descends through the Val Camonica to 
Lovere, where it expands into a large lake, called Iseo from the 
town of that name on its southern shore. Issuing thence at its south- 
west extremity, the Oglio has a long and winding course through the 
plain before it finally reaches the Po a few miles above Borgoforte. 
In this lower part it receives the smaller streams of the Mella, which 
flows by Brescia, and the Chiese, which proceeds from the small 
Lago d'Idro, between the Lago d'Iseo and that of Garda. 

The last of the great tributaries of the Po is the Mincio, which 
flows from the Lago di Garda, and has a course of about 40 m. from 
Peschiera, where it issues from the lake at its south-eastern angle, 
till it joins the Po. About 12 m. above the confluence it passes under 
the walls of Mantua, and expands into a broad lake-like reach so as 
entirely to encircle that city. Notwithstanding its extent, the 
Lago di Garda is not fed by the snows of the high Alps, nor is the 
stream which enters it at its northern extremity (at Riva) commonly 
known as the Mincio, though forming the main source of that river, 
but is termed the Sarca; it rises at the foot of Monte Tonale. 

The Adige, formed by the junction of two streams — the Etsch 
or Adige proper and the Eisak, both of which belong to Tirol rather 
than to Italy — descends as far as Verona, where it enters the great 
plain, with a course from north to south nearly parallel to the rivers 
last described, and would seem likely to discharge its waters into 
those of the Po, but below Legnago it turns eastward and runs 
parallel to the Po for about 40 m., entering the Adriatic by an 
independent mouth about 8 m. from the northern outlet of the greater 
stream. The waters of the two rivers have, however, been made to 
communicate by artificial cuts and canals in more than one place. 

The Po itself, which is here a very large stream, with an average 
width of 400 to 600 yds., continues to flow with an undivided mass 
of waters as far as Sta Maria di Ariano, where it parts into two arms, 
known as the Po di Maestra and Po di Goro, and these again are 
subdivided into several other branches, forming a delta above 20 m. 
in width from north to south. The point of bifurcation, at present 
about 25 m. from the sea, was formerly much farther inland, more 
than 10 m. west of Ferrara, where a small arm of the river, still called 
the Po di Ferrara, branches from the main stream. Previous to the 
year 1 1 54 this channel was the main stream, and the two small 
branches into which it subdivides, called the Po di Volano and Po di 
Primaro, were in early times the two main outlets of the river. The 
southernmost of these, the Po di Primaro, enters the Adriatic about 
12 m. north of Ravenna, so that if these two arms be included, the 
delta of the Po extends about 36 m. from south to north. The whole 
course of the river, including its windings, is estimated at about 450 m. 
Besides the delta of the Po and the large marshy tracts which it 
forms, there exist on both sides of it extensive lagoons of salt water, 
generally separated from the Adriatic by narrow strips of sand or 
embankments, partly natural and partly artificial, but having 
openings which admit the influx and efflux of the sea-water, and 
serve as ports for communication with the mainland. The best 
known and the most extensive of these lagoons is that in which 
Venice is situated, which extends from Torcello in the north to 
Chioggia and Brondolo in the south, a distance of above 40 m. ; but 
they were formerly much more extensive, and afforded a continuous 
means of internal navigation, by what were called " the Seven Seas " 
(Septem Maria), from Ravenna to Altinum, a few miles north of 
Torcello. That city, like Ravenna, originally stood in the midst of 
a lagoon; and the coast east of it to near Monfalcone, where it 
meets the mountains, is occupied by similar expanses of water, 
which are, however, becoming gradually converted into dry land. 

The tract adjoining this long line of lagoons is, like the basin of the 
Po, a broad expanse of perfectly level alluvial plain, extending from 
the Adige eastwards to the Carnic Alps, where they approach close 
to the Adriatic between Aquileia and Trieste, and northwards to the 
foot of the great chain, which here sweeps round in a semicircle from 
the neighbourhood of Vicenza to that of Aquileia. The space thus 
included was known in ancient times as Venetia, a name applied in the 
middle ages to the well-known city ; the eastern portion of it became 
known in the middle ages as the Frioul or Friuli. 

Returning to the south of the Po, the tributaries of that river on 
its right bank below the Tanaro are very inferior in volume and 
importance to those from the north. Flowing from the Ligurian 



Apennines, which never attain the limit of perpetual snow, they 
generally dwindle in summer into insignificant streams. Beginning 
from the Tanaro, the principal of them are — (i) the Scrivia.a small 
but rapid stream flowing from the Apennines at the back of Genoa ; 
(2) the Trebbia, a much larger river, though of the same torrent-like 
character, which rises near Torriglia within 20 m. of Genoa, flows 
by Bobbio, and joins the Po a few miles above Piacenza; (3) the 
Nure, a few miles east of the preceding; (4) the Taro, a more con- 
siderable stream; (5) the Parma, flowing by the city of the same 
name; (6) the Enza; (7) the Secchia, which flows by Modena; 
(8) the Panaro, a few miles to the east of that city; (9) the Reno, 
which flows by Bologna, but instead of holding its course till it dis- 
charges its waters into the Po, as it did in Roman times, is turned 
aside by an artificial channel into the Po di Primaro. The other 
small streams east of this — of which the most considerable are the 
Solaro, the Santerno, flowing by Imola, the Lamone by Faenza, the 
Montone by Forli, all in Roman times tributaries of the Po — have 
their outlet in like manner into the Po di Primaro, or by artificial 
mouths into the Adriatic between Ravenna and Rimini. The river 
Marecchia, which enters the sea immediately north of Rimini, may 
be considered as the natural limit of Northern Italy. It was adopted 
by Augustus as the boundary of Gallia Cispadana; the far-famed 
Rubicon was a trifling stream a few miles farther north, now called 
Fiumicino. The Savio is the only other stream of any importance 
which has always flowed directly into the Adriatic from this side of 
the Tuscan Apennines. 

The narrow strip of coast-land between the Maritime Alps, the 
Apennines and the sea — called in ancient times Liguria, and now 
known as the Riviera of Genoa — is throughout its extent, from Nice 
to Genoa on the one side, and from Genoa to Spezia on the other, 
almost wholly mountainous. It is occupied by the branches and 
offshoots of the mountain ranges which separate it from the great 
plain to the north, and send down their lateral ridges close to the 
water's edge, leaving only in places a few square miles of level plains 
at the mouths of the rivers and openings of the valleys. The district 
is by no means devoid of fertility, the steep slopes facing the south 
enjoying so fine a climate as to render them very favourable for the 
growth of fruit trees, especially the olive, which is cultivated in 
terraces to a considerable height up the face of the mountains, while 
the openings of the valleys are generally occupied by towns or villages, 
some of which have become favourite winter resorts. 

From the proximity of the mountains to the sea none of the rivers 
in this part of Italy has a long course, and they are generally mere 
mountain torrents, rapid and swollen in winter and spring, and almost 
dry in summer. The largest and most important are those which 
descend from the Maritime Alps between Nice and Albenga. The 
most considerable of them are — the Roja, which rises in the Col di 
Tenda and descends to Ventimiglia; the Taggia, between San 
Remo and Oneglia ; and the Centa, which enters the sea at Albenga. 
The Lavagna, which enters the sea at Chiavari, is th# only stream 
of any importance between Genoa and the Gulf of Spezia. But 
immediately east of that inlet (a remarkable instance of a deep land- 
locked gulf with no river flowing into it) the Magra, which descends 
from Pontremoli down the valley known as the Lunigiana-, is a large 
stream, and brings with it the waters of another considerable stream, 
the Vara. The Magra (Macra), in ancient times the boundary 
between Liguria and Etruria, may be considered as constituting on 
this side the limit of Northern Italy. 

The Apennines (q.v.), as has been already mentioned, here traverse 
the whole breadth of Italy, cutting off the peninsula properly so 
termed from the broader mass of Northern Italy by a continuous 
barrier of considerable breadth, though of far inferior elevation to 
that of the Alps. The Ligurian Apennines may be considered as 
taking their rise in the neighbourhood of Savona, where a pass of 
very moderate elevation connects them with the Maritime Alps, 
of which they are in fact only a continuation. From the neighbour- 
hood of Savona to that of Genoa they do not rise to more than 3000 
to 4000 ft., and are traversed by passes of less than 2000 ft. As they 
extend towards the east they increase in elevation; the Monte Bue 
rises to 5915 ft., while the Monte Cimone, a little farther east, attains 
7103 ft. This is the highest point in the northern Apennines, and 
belongs to a group of summits of nearly equal altitude; the range 
which is continued thence between Tuscany and what are now 
known as the Emilian provinces presents a continuous ridge from 
the mountains at the head of the Val di Mugello (due north of 
Florence) to the point where they are traversed by the celebrated 
Furlo Pass. The highest point in this part of the range is the Monte 
Falterona, above the sources of the Arno, which attains 5410 ft. 
Throughout this tract the Apennines are generally covered with 
extensive forests of chestnut, oak and beech ; while their upper slopes 
afford admirable pasturage. Few towns of any importance are found 
either on their northern or southern declivity, and the former 
region especially, though occupying a tract of from 30 to 40 m. in 
width, between the crest of the Apennines and the plain of the Po, is 
one of the least known and at the same time least interesting portions 
of Italy. 

2. Central Italy. — The geography of Central Italy is almost wholly 
determined by the Apennines, which traverse it in a direction 
from about north-north-east to south-south-west, almost precisely 
parallel to that of the coast of the Adriatic from Rimini to Pescara. 

The line of the highest summits and of the watershed ranges is 
about 30 to 40 m. from the Adriatic, while about double that distance 
separates it from the Tyrrhenian Sea on the west. In this part of 
the range almost all the highest points of the Apennines are found. 
Beginning from the group called the Alpi della Luna near the sources 
of the Tiber, which attain 4435 ft., they are continued by the Monte 
Nerone (5010 ft.), Monte Catria (5590), and Monte Maggio to the 
Monte Pennino near Nocera (5169 ft.), and thence to the Monte 
della Sibilla, at the source of the Nar or Nera, which attains 7663 ft. 
Proceeding thence southwards, we find in succession the Monte 
Vettore (8128 ft.), the Pizzo di Sevo (7945 ft.), and the two great 
mountain masses of the Monte Corno, commonly called the Gran 
Sasso d'ltalia, the most lofty of all the Apennines, attaining to a 
height of 9560 ft., and the Monte della Maiella, its highest summit 
measuring 9170 ft. Farther south no very lofty summits are found 
till we come to the group of Monti del Matese, in Samnium (6660 ft.), 
which according to the division here adopted belongs to Southern 
Italy. Besides the lofty central masses enumerated there are two 
other lofty peaks, outliers from the main range, and separated from 
it by valleys of considerable extent. These are the Monte Terminillo, 
near Leonessa (7278 ft.), and the Monte Velino near the Lake Fucino, 
rising to 8192 ft., both of which are covered with snow from November 
till May. But the Apennines of Central Italy, instead of presenting, 
like the Alps and the northern Apennines, a definite central ridge, 
with transverse valleys leading down from it on both sides, in reality 
constitute a mountain mass of very considerable breadth, composed 
of a number of minor ranges and groups of mountains, which pre- 
serve a generally parallel direction, and are separated by upland 
valleys, some of them of considerable extent as well as considerable 
elevation above the sea. Such is the basin of Lake Fucino, situated 
in the centre of the mass, almost exactly midway between the two . 
seas, at an elevation of 2180 ft. above them; while the upper valley 
of the Aterno, in which Aquila is situated, is 2380 ft. above the sea. 
Still more elevated is the valley of the Gizio (a tributary of the 
Aterno), of which Sulmona is the chief town. This communicates 
with the upper valley of the Sangro by a level plain called the Piano 
di Cinque Miglia, at an elevation of 4298 ft., regarded as the most 
wintry spot in Italy. Nor do the highest summits form a continuous 
ridge of great altitude for any considerable distance; they are rather 
a series of groups separated by tracts of very inferior elevation 
forming natural passes across the range, and broken in some places 
(as is the case in almost all limestone countries) by the waters from 
the upland valleys turning suddenly at right angles, and breaking 
through the mountain ranges which bound them. Thus the Gran 
Sasso and the Maiella are separated by the deep valley of the Aterno, 
while the Tronto breaks through the range between Monte Vettore 
and the Pizzo di Sevo. This constitution of the great mass of the 
central Apennines has in all ages exercised an important influence 
upon the character of this portion of Italy, which may be considered 
as divided by nature into two great regions, a cold and barren upland 
country, bordered on both sides by rich and fertile tracts, enjoying 
a warm but temperate climate. 

The district west of the Apennines, a region of great beauty and 
fertility, though inferior in productiveness to Northern Italy, coincides 
in a general way with the countries familiar to all students of ancient 
history as Etruria and Latium. Until the union of Italy they were 
comprised in Tuscany and the southern Papal States. The northern 
part of Tuscany is indeed occupied to a considerable extent by the 
underfalls and offshoots of the Apennines, which, besides the slopes 
and spurs of the main range that constitutes its northern frontier 
towards the plain of the Po, throw off several outlying ranges or 
groups. Of these the most remarkable is the group between the 
valleys of the Serchio and the Magra, commonly known as the 
mountains of Carrara, from the celebrated marble quarries in the 
vicinity of that city. Two of the summits of this group, the Pizzo 
d'Uccello and the Pania della Croce, attain 6155 and 6100 ft. Another 
lateral range, the Prato Magno, which branches off from the central 
chain at the Monte Falterona, and separates the upper valley of 
the Arno from its second basin, rises to 5188 ft.; while a similar 
branch, called the Alpe di Catenaja, of inferior elevation, divides 
the upper course of the Arno from that of the Tiber. 

The rest of this tract is for the most part a hilly, broken country, 
of moderate elevation, but Monte Amiata, near Radicofani, an isolated 
mass of volcanic origin, attains a height of 5650 ft. South of this the 
country between the frontier of Tuscany and the Tiber is in great part 
of volcanic origin, forming hills with distinct crater-shaped basins, 
in several instances occupied by small lakes (the Lake of Bolsena, 
Lake of Vico and Lake of Bracciano). This volcanic tract extends 
across the Campagna of Rome, till it rises again in the lofty group 
of the Alban hills, the highest summit of which, the Monte Cavo, 
is 3160 ft. above the sea. In this part the Apennines are separated 
from the sea, distant about 30 m. by the undulating volcanic plain of 
the Roman Campagna, from which the mountains rise in a wall-like 
barrier, of which the highest point, the Monte Gennaro, attains 
4165 ft. South of Palestrina again, the main mass of the Apennines 
throws off another lateral mass, known in ancient times as the Volscian 
mountains (now called the Monti Lepini), separated from the central 
ranges by the broad valley of the Sacco, a tributary of the Liri (Liris) 
or Garigliano, and forming a large and rugged mountain mass, nearly 
5000 ft. in height, which descends to the sea at Terracina, and 



between that point and the mouth of the Liri throws out several 
rugged mountain headlands, which may be considered as constituting 
the natural boundary between Latium and Campania, and con- 
sequently the natural limit of Central Italy. Besides these offshoots 
of the Apennines there are in this part of Central Italy several 
detached mountains, rising almost like islands on the seashore, 
of which the two most remarkable are the Monte Argentaro on the 
coast of Tuscany near Orbetello (2087 ft.) and the Monte Circello 
(1771 ft.) at the angle of the Pontine Marshes, by the whole breadth 
of which it is separated from the Volscian Apennines. 

The two valleys of the Arno and the Tiber (Ital. Tevere) may 
be considered as furnishing the key to the geography of all this portion 
of Italy west of the Apennines. The Arno, which has its source in 
the Monte^Falterona, one of the most elevated summits of the main 
chain of the Tuscan Apennines, flows nearly south till in the neigh- 
bourhood of Arezzo it turns abruptly north-west, and pursues that 
course as far as Pontassieve, where it again makes a sudden bend 
to the west, and pursues a westerly course thence to the sea, passing 
through Florence 'and Pisa. Its principal tributary is the Sieve, 
which joins it at Pontassieve, bringing down the waters of the Val di 
Mugello. The Elsa and the Era, which join it on its left bank, 
descending from the hills near Siena and Volterra, are inconsiderable 
streams; and the Serchio, which flows from the territory of Lucca 
and the Alpi Apuani, and formerly joined the Arno a few miles from 
its mouth, now enters the sea by a separate channel. The most 
considerable rivers of Tuscany south of the Arno are the Cecina, 
which flows through the plain below Volterra, and the Ombrone, 
which rises in the hills near Siena, and enters the sea about 12 m. 
below Grosseto. 

The Tiber, a much more important river than the Arno, and the 
largest in Italy with the exception of the Po, rises in the Apennines, 
about 20 in. east of the source of the Arno, and flows nearly south by 
Borgo S. Sepolcro and Citta di Castello, then between Perugia and 
Todi to Orte, just below which it receives the Nera. The Nera, 
which rises in the lofty group of the Monte della Sibilla, is a consider- 
able stream, and brings with it the waters of the Velino (with its 
tributaries the Turano and the Salto), which joins it a few miles below 
its celebrated waterfall at Terni. The Teverone or Anio, which enters 
the Tiber a few miles above Rome, is an inferior stream to the Nera, 
but brings down a considerable body of water from the mountains 
above Subiaco. It is a singular fact in the geography of Central 
Italy that the valleys of the Tiber and Arno are in some measure 
connected by that of the Chiana, a level and marshy tract, the waters 
from w.hich flow partly into the Arno and partly into the Tiber. 

The eastern declivity of the central Apennines towards the 
Adriatic is far less interesting and varied than the western. The 
central range here approaches much nearer to the sea, and hence, 
with few exceptions, the rivers that flow from it have short 
courses and are of comparatively little importance. They may be 
enumerated, proceeding from Rimini southwards: (1) the Foglia; 
(2) the Metauro, of historical celebrity, and affording access to one 
of the most frequented passes of the Apennines; (3) the Esino; (4) 
the Potenza; (5) the Chienti; (6) the Aso; (7) the Tronto; (8) 
the Vomano; (9) the Aterno; (10) the Sangro; (11) the Trigno, 
which forms the boundary of the southernmost province of the 
Abruzzi, and may therefore be taken as the limit of Central Italy. 

The whole of this portion of Central Italy is a hilly country, much 
broken and cut up by the torrents from the mountains, but fertile, 
especially in fruit-trees, olives and vines; and it has been, both in 
ancient and modern times, a populous district, containing many 
small towns though no great cities. Its chief disadvantage is the 
absence of ports, the coast preserving an almost unbroken straight 
line, with the single exception of Ancona, the only port worthy of the 
name on the eastern coast of Central Italy. 

3. Southern Italy. — The great central mass of the Apennines, which 
has held its course throughout Central Italy, with a general direc- 
tion from north-west to south-east, may be considered as continued 
in the same direction for about 100 m. farther, from the basin-shaped 
group of the Monti del Matese (which rises to 6660 ft.) to the neigh- 
bourhood of Potenza, in the heart of the province of Basilicata, 
corresponding nearly to the ancient Lucania. The whole of the 
district known in ancient times as Samnium (a part of which retains 
the name of Sannio, though officially designated the province of 
Campobasso) is occupied by an irregular mass of mountains, of much 
inferior height to those of Central Italy, and broken up into a number 
of groups, intersected by rivers, which have for the most part a very 
tortuous course. This mountainous tract, which has an average 
breadth of from 50 to 60 m., is bounded west by the plain of Cam- 
pania, now called the Terra di Lavoro, and east by the much broader 
and more extensive tract of Apulia or Puglia, composed partly of 
level plains, but for the most part of undulating downs, contrasting 
strongly with the mountain ranges of the Apennines, which rise 
abruptly above them. The central mass of the mountains, however, 
throws out two outlying ranges, the one to the west, which separates 
the Bay of Naples from that of Salerno, and culminates in the Monte 
S. Angelo above Castellammare (4720 ft.), while the detached volcanic 
cone of Vesuvius (nearly 4000 ft.) is isolated from the neighbouring 
mountains by an intervening strip of plain. On the east side in like 
manner the Monte Gargano (3465 ft.), a detached limestone mass 

which projects in a bold spur-like promontory into the Adriatic, 
forming the only break in the otherwise uniform coast-line Of Italy 
on that sea, though separated from the great body of the Apennines 
by a considerable interval of low country, may be considered as 
merely an outlier from the central mass. 

From the neighbourhood of Potenza, the main ridge of the 
Apennines is continued by the Monti della Maddalena in a direction 
nearly due south, so that it approaches within a short distance of the 
Gulf of Policastro, whence it is carried on as far as the Monte Pollino, 
the last of the lofty summits of the Apennine chain, which exceeds 
7000 ft. in height. The range is, however, continued through the 

frovince now called Calabria, to the southern extremity or " toe " of 
taly, but presents in this part a very much altered character, the 
broken limestone range which is the true continuation of the chain 
as far as the neighbourhood of Nicastro and Catanzaro, and keeps 
close to the west coast, being flanked on the east by a great mass of 
granitic mountains, rising to about 6000 ft., and covered with vast 
forests, from which it derives the name of La Sila. A similar mass, 
separated from the preceding by a low neck of Tertiary hills, fills 
up the whole of the peninsular extremity of Italy from Squillace 
to Reggio. Its highest point is called Aspromonte (6420 ft.). 

While the rugged and mountainous district of Calabria, extending 
nearly due south for a distance of more than 150 m., thus derives its 
character and configuration almost wholly from the range of the 
Apennines, the long spur-like promontory which projects towards 
the east to Brindisi and Otranto is merely a continuation of the low 
tract of Apulia, with a dry calcareous soil of Tertiary origin. The 
Monte Volture, which rises in the neighbourhood of Melfi and Venosa 
to 4357 ft-, is of volcanic origin, and in great measure detached from 
the adjoining mass of the Apennines. Eastward from this the ranges 
of low bare hills called the Murgie of Gravina and Altamura gradually 
sink into the still more moderate level of those which constitute 
the peninsular tract between Brindisi and Taranto as far as the 
Cape of Sta Maria di Leuca, the south-east extremity of Italy. This 
projecting tract, which may be termed the " heel " or " spur " of 
Southern Italy, in conjunction with the great promontory of Calabria, 
forms the deep Gulf of Taranto, about 70 m. in width, and somewhat 
greater depth, which receives a number of streams from the central 
mass of the Apennines. 

None of the rivers of Southern Italy is of any great importance. 
The Liri (Liris) or Garigliano, which has its source in the central 
Apennines above Sora, not far from Lake Fucino, and enters the 
Gulf of Gaeta about 10 m. east of the city of that name, brings down 
a considerable body of water; as does also the Volturno, which rises 
in the mountains between Castel di Sangro and Agnone, flows past 
Isernia, Venafro and Capua, and enters the sea about 15 m. from the 
mouth of the Garigliano. About 16 m. above Capua it receives the 
Calore, which flows by Benevento. The Silarus or Sele enters the Gulf 
of Salerno a few miles below the ruins of Paestum. Below this the 
watershed of £he Apennines is too near to the sea on that side to 
allow the formation of any large streams. Hence the rivers that flow 
in the opposite direction into the Adriatic and the Gulf of Taranto 
have much longer courses, though all partake of the character of 
mountain torrents, rushing down with great violence in winter and 
after storms, but dwindling in the summer into scanty streams, 
which hold a winding and sluggish course through the great plains of 
Apulia. Proceeding south from the Trigno, already mentioned as 
constituting the limit of Central Italy, there are (1) the Biferno and 
(2) the Fortore, both rising in the mountains of Samnium, and flow- 
ing into the Adriatic west of Monte Gargano; (3) the Cervaro, south 
of the great promontory; and (4) the Ofanto, the Aufidus of Horace, 
whose description of it is characteristic of almost all the rivers of 
Southern Italy, of which it may be taken as the typical representative. 
It rises about 15 m. west of Conza, and only about 25 m. from the 
Gulf of Salerno, so that it is frequently (though erroneously) described 
as traversing the whole range of the Apennines. In its lower course it 
flows near Canosa and traverses the celebrated battlefield of Cannae. 
(5) The Bradano, which rises near Venosa, almost at the foot of 
Monte Volture, flows towards the south-east into the Gulf of Taranto, 
as do the Basento, the Agri and the Sinni, all of which descend from 
the central chain of the Apennines south of Potenza. The Crati, 
which flows from Cosenza northwards, and then turns abruptly 
eastward to enter the same gulf, is the only stream worthy of notice 
in the rugged peninsula of Calabria; while the arid limestone hills 
projecting eastwards to Capo di Leuca do not give rise to anything 
more than a mere streamlet, from the mouth of the Ofanto to the 
south-eastern extremity of Italy. 

The only important lakes are those on or near the north frontier, 
formed by the expansion of the tributaries of the Po. They have 
been already noticed in connexion with the rivers by which . . 
they are formed, but may be again enumerated in order of i-axes. 
succession. They are, proceeding from west to east, (1) the Lago 
d'Orta, (2) the Lago Maggiore, (3) the Lago di Lugano, (4) the Lago 
di Como, (5) the Lago d'Iseo, (6) the Lago d'Idro, and (7) the Lago di 
Garda. Of these the last named is considerably the largest, covering 
an area of 143 sq. m. It is 32! m. long by 10 broad; while the Lago 
Maggiore, notwithstanding its name, though considerably exceeding 
it in length (37 m.), falls materially below it in superficial extent. 
They are all of great depth-*-the Lago Maggiore having an extreme 





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depth of 1 198 ft., while that of Como attains to 1365 ft. Of a wholly 
different character is the Lago di Varese, between the Lago Maggiore 
and that of Lugano, which is a mere shallow expanse of water, 
surrounded by hills of very moderate elevation. Two other small 
lakes in the same neighbourhood, as well as those of Erba and 
Pusiano, between Como and Lecco, are of a similar character. 

The lakes of Central Italy, which are comparatively of trifling 
dimensions, belong to a wholly different class. The most important 
of these, the Lacus Fucinus of the ancients, now called the Lago di 
Celano, situated almost exactly in the centre of the peninsula, 
occupies a basin of considerable extent, surrounded by mountains 
and without any natural outlet, at an elevation of more than 2000 ft. 
Its waters have been in great part carried off by an artificial channel, 
and more than half its surface laid bare. Next in size is the Lago 
Trasimeno.a broad expanse of shallow waters, about 30 m. in circum- 
ference, surrounded by low hills. The neighbouring lake of Chiusi 
is of similar character, but much smaller dimensions. All the other 
lakes of Central Italy, which are scattered through the volcanic 
districts west of the Apennines, are of an entirely different formation, 
and occupy deep cup-shaped hollows, which have undoubtedly at 
one time formed the craters of extinct volcanoes. Such is the Lago di 
Bolsena, near the city of the same name, which is an extensive sheet 
of water, as well as the much smaller Lago di Vico (the Ciminian lake 
of ancient writers) and the Lago di Bracciano, nearer Rome, while 
to the south of Rome the well known lakes of Albano and Nemi 
have a similar origin. 

The only lake properly so called in southern Italy is the Lago del 
Matese, in the heart of the mountain group of the same name, of 
small extent. The so-called lakes on the coast of the Adriatic north 
and south of the promontory of Gargano are brackish lagoons 
communicating with the sea. 

The three great islands of Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica are closely 
connected with Italy, both by geographical position and community 
Islands. °^ ^ an S ua S e > Dut tne y are considered at length in separate 
articles. Of the smaller islands that lie near the coasts 
of Italy, the most considerable is that of Elba, off the west coast of 
central Italy, about 50 m. S. of Leghorn, and separated from the 
mainland at Piombino by a strait of only about 6 m. in width. 
North of this, and about midway between Corsica and Tuscany, is 
the small island of Capraia, steep and rocky, and only 4J m. long, 
but with a secure port; Gorgona, about 25 m. farther north, is still 
smaller, and is a mere rock, inhabited by a few fishermen. South 
of Elba are the equally insignificant islets of Pianosa and Monte- 
cristo, while the more considerable island of Giglio lies much nearer 
the mainland, immediately opposite the mountain promontory of 
Monte Argentaro, itself almost an island. The islands farther south 
in the Tyrrhenian Sea are of an entirely different character. Of 
these Ischia and Procida, close to the northern headland of the Bay 
of Naples, are of volcanic origin, as is the case also with the more 
distant group of the Ponza Islands. These are three in number — 
Ponza, Palmarola and Zannone; while Ventotene (also of volcanic 
formation) is about midway between Ponza and Ischia. The island 
of Capri, on the other hand, opposite the southern promontory of the 
Bay of Naples, is a precipitous limestone rock. The Aeolian or Lipari 
Islands, a remarkable volcanic group, belong rather to Sicily than to 
Italy, though Stromboli, the most easterly of them, is about equi- 
distant from Sicily and from the mainland. 

The Italian coast of the Adriatic presents a great contrast to its 
opposite shores, for while the coast of Dalmatia is bordered by a 
succession of islands, great and small, the long and uniform coast-line 
of Italy from Otranto to Rimini presents not a single adjacent island ; 
and the small outlying group of the Tremiti Islands (north of the 
Monte Gargano and about 15 m. from the mainland) alone breaks 
the monotony of this part of the Adriatic. 

Geology. — The geology of Italy is mainly dependent upon that of 
the Apennines (q.v.). On each side of that great chain are found 
extensive Tertiary deposits, sometimes, as in Tuscany, the district 
of Monferrat, &c, forming a broken, hilly country, at others spreading 
into broad plains or undulating downs, such as the Tavoliere of 
Puglia, and the tract that forms the spur of Italy from Bari to 

Besides these, and leaving out of account the islands, the Italian 
peninsula presents four distinct volcanic districts. In three of them 
the volcanoes are entirely extinct, while the fourth is still in great 

1. The Euganean hills form a small group extending for about 
10 m. from the neighbourhood of Padua to Este, and separated from 
the lower offshoots of the Alps by a portion of the wide plain of 
Padua. Monte Venda, their highest peak, is 1890 ft. high. 

2. The Roman district, the largest of the four, extends from the 
hills of Albano to the frontier of Tuscany, and from the lower slopes 
of the Apennines to the Tyrrhenian Sea. It may be divided into 
three groups: the Monti Albani, the second highest 1 of which, 
Monte Cavo (31 15 ft.), is the ancient Mons Albanus, on the summit 
of which stood the temple of Jupiter Latialis, where the assemblies 
of the cities forming the Latin confederation were held; the Monti 
Cimini, which extend from the valley of the Tiber to the neighbour- 

1 The actually highest point is the Maschio delle Faete (3137 ft.). 
(See Albanus Mons.) 

hood of Civita Vecchia, and attain at their culminating point an 
elevation of 3454 ft.; and the mountains of Radicofani and Monte 
Amiata, the latter of which is 5688 ft. high. The lakes of Bolsena 
(Vulsiniensis), of Bracciano (Sabatinus), of Vico (Ciminus), of 
Albano (Albanus), of Nemi (Nemorensis), and other smaller lakes 
belong to this district; while between its south-west extremity and 
Monte Circello the Pontine Marshes form a broad strip of alluvial 
soil infested by malaria. 

3. The volcanic region of the Terra di Lavoro is separated by the 
Volscian mountains from the Roman district. It may be also divided 
into three groups. Of Roccamonfina, at the N.N.W. end of the 
Campanian Plain, the highest cone, called Montagna di Santa Croce, 
is 3291 ft. The Phlegraean Fields embrace all the country round 
Baiae and Pozzuoli and the adjoining islands. Monte Barbaro 
(Gaurus), north-east of the site of Cumae, Monte San Nicola 
(Epomeus), 2589 ft. in Ischia, and Camaldoli, 1488 ft., west of 
Naples, are the highest cones. The lakes Averno (Avernus), Lucrino 
(Lucrinus), Fusaro (Palus Acherusia), and Agnano are within this 
group, which has shown activity in historical times. A stream of 
lava issued in 1198 from the crater of the Solfatara, which still con- 
tinues to exhale steam and noxious gases; the Lava dell' Arso came 
out of the N.E. flank of Monte Epomeo in 1302; and Monte 
Nuovo, north-west of Pozzuoli (455 ft.), was thrown up in three days 
in September 1538. Since its first historical eruption in A.D. 79, 
Vesuvius or Somina, which forms the third group, has been in con- 
stant activity. The Punta del Nasone, the highest point of Somma, 
is 3714 ft. high, while the Punta del Palo, the highest point of the 
brim of the crater of Vesuvius, varies materially with successive 
eruptions from 3856 to 4275 ft. 

4. The Apulian volcanic formation consists of the great mass of 
Monte Volture, which rises at the west end of the plains of Apulia, 
on the frontier of Basilicata, and is surrounded by the Apennines on 
its south-west and north-west sides. Its highest peak, the Pizzuto 
di Melfi, attains an elevation of 4365 ft. Within the widest crater 
there are the two small lakes of Monticchio and San Michele. In 
connexion with the volcanic districts we may mention Le Mofete, 
the pools of Ampsanctus, in a wooded valley S.E. of Frigento, in 
the province of Avellino, Campania (Virgil, Aeneid, vii. 563-571). 
The largest is not more than 160 ft. in circumference, and 7 ft. deep. 

The whole of the great plain of Lombardy is covered by Pleistocene 
and recent deposits. It is a great depression — the continuation of 
the Adriatic Sea — filled up by deposits brought down by the rivers 
from the mountains. The depression was probably formed during 
the later stages of the growth of the Alps. 

Climate and Vegetation. — The geographical position of Italy, 
extending from about 46 to 38° N., renders it one of the hottest 
countries in Europe. But the effect of its southern latitude is 
tempered by its peninsular character, bounded as it is on both sides 
by seas of considerable extent, as well as by the great range of 
the Alps with its snows and glaciers to the north. There are thus 
irregular variations of climate. Great differences also exist with 
regard to climate between northern and southern Italy, due in great 
part to other circumstances as well as to differences of latitude. 
Thus the great plain of northern Italy is chilled by the cold winds 
from the Alps, while the damp warm winds from the Mediterranean 
are to a great extent intercepted by the Ligurian Apennines. Hence 
this part of the country has a cold winter climate, so that while the 
mean summer temperature of Milan is higher than that of Sassari, and 
equal to that of Naples, and the extremes reached at Milan and 
Bologna are a good deal higher than those of Naples, the mean winter 
temperature of Turin is actually lower than that of Copenhagen. 
The lowest recorded winter temperature at Turin is 5 Fahr. 
Throughout the region north of the Apennines no plants will thrive 
which cannot stand occasional severe frosts in winter, so that not only 
oranges and lemons but even the olive tree cannot be grown, except 
in specially favoured situations. But the strip of coast between the 
Apennines and the sea, known as the Riviera of Genoa, is not only 
extremely favourable to the growth of olives, but produces oranges 
and lemons in abundance, while even the aloe, the cactus and the 
palm flourish in many places. 

Central Italy also presents striking differences of climate and 
temperature according to the greater or less proximity to the moun- 
tains. Thus the greater part of Tuscany, and the provinces thence 
to Rome, enjoy a mild winter climate, and are well adapted to the 
growth of mulberries and olives as well as vines, but it is not till after 
passing Terracina, in proceeding along the western coast towards 
the south, that the vegetation of southern Italy develops in its full 
luxuriance. Even in the central parts of Tuscany, however, the 
climate is very much affected by the neighbouring mountains, 
and the increasing elevation of the Apennines as they proceed south 
produces a corresponding effect upon the temperature. But it is 
when we reach the central range of the Apennines that we find 
the coldest districts of Italy. In all the upland valleys of the 
Abruzzi snow begins to fall early in November, and heavy storms 
occur often as late as May; whole communities are shut out for 
months from any intercourse with their neighbours, and some 
villages are so long buried in snow that regular passages are made 
between the different houses for the sake of communication among 
the inhabitants. The district from the south-east of Lake Fucino 
to the Piano di Cinque Miglia, enclosing the upper basin of the Sangro 



and the small lake of Scanno, is the coldest and most bleak part of 
Italy south of the Alps. Heavy falls of snow in June are not un- 
common, and only for a short time towards the end of July are the 
nights totally exempt from light frosts. Yet less than 40 m. E. of this 
district, and even more to the north, the olive, the fig-tree and the 
orange thrive luxuriantly on the shores of the Adriatic from Ortona 
to Vasto. In the same way, whilst in the plains and hills round 
Naples snow is rarely seen, and never remains long, and the ther- 
mometer seldom descends to the freezing-point, 20 m. E. from it in the 
fertile valley of Avellino, of no great elevation, but encircled by high 
mountains, light frosts are not uncommon as late as June; and 18 m. 
farther east, in the elevated region of San Angelo dei Lombardi and 
Bisaccia, the inhabitants are always warmly clad, and vines grow 
with difficulty and only in sheltered places. Still farther south-east, 
Potenza has almost the coldest climate in Italy, and certainly the 
lowest summer temperatures. But nowhere are these contrasts 
so striking as in Calabria. The shores, especially on the Tyrrhenian 
Sea, present almost a continued grove of olive, orange, lemon and 
citron trees, which attain a size unknown in the north of Italy. The 
sugar-cane flourishes, the cotton-plant ripens to perfection, date- 
trees are seen in the gardens, the rocks are clothed with the prickly- 
pear or Indian fig, the enclosures of the fields are formed by aloes and 
sometimes pomegranates, the liquorice-root grows wild, and the 
mastic, the myrtle and many varieties of oleander and cistus form 
the underwood of the natural forests of arbutus and evergreen oak. 
If we turn inland but 5 or 6 m. from the shore, and often even less, 
the scene changes. High districts covered with oaks and chestnuts 
succeed to this almost tropical vegetation; a little higher up and 
we reach the elevated regions of the Pollino and the Sila, covered 
with firs and pines, and affording rich pastures even in the midst of 
summer, when heavy dews and light frosts succeed each other in July 
and August, and snow begins to appear at the end of September or 
early in October. Along the shores of the Adriatic, which are ex- 
posed to the north-east winds, blowing coldly from over the Albanian 
mountains, delicate plants do not thrive so well in general as under 
the same latitude along the shores of the Tyrrhenian Sea. 

Southern Italy indeed has in general a very different climate 
from the northern portion of the kingdom; and, though large tracts 
are still occupied by rugged mountains of sufficient elevation to retain 
the snow for a considerable part of the year, the districts adjoining 
the sea enjoy a climate similar to that of Greece and the southern 
provinces of Spain. Unfortunately several of these fertile tracts 
suffer severely from malaria (q.v.), and especially the great plain 
adjoining the Gulf of Tarentum, which in the early ages of history 
was surrounded by a girdle of Greek cities — some of which 
attained to almost unexampled prosperity — has for centuries past 
been given up to almost complete desolation. 1 

It is remarkable that, of the vegetable productions of Italy, many 
which are at the present day among the first to attract the attention 
of the visitor are of comparatively late introduction, and were un- 
known in ancient times. The olive indeed in all ages clothed the 
hills of a large part of the country; but the orange and lemon, are 
a late importation from the East, while the cactus or Indian fig and 
the aloe, both of them so conspicuous on the shores of southern Italy, 
as well as of the Riviera of Genoa, are of Mexican origin, and conse- 
quently could not have been introduced earlier than the 16th century. 
The same remark applies to the maize or Indian corn. Many botanists 
are even of opinion that the sweet chestnut, which now constitutes 
so large a part of the forests that clothe the sides both of the Alps and 
the Apennines, and in some districts supplies the chief food of the 
inhabitants, is not originally of Italian growth ; it is certain that 
it had not attained in ancient times to anything like the extension 
and importance which it now possesses. The eucalyptus is of quite 
modern introduction; it has been extensively planted in malarious 
districts. The characteristic cypress, ilex and stone-pine, however, 
are native trees, the last-named flourishing especially near the coast. 
The proportion of evergreens is large, and has a marked effect on the 
landscape in winter. 

Fauna. — The chamois, bouquetin and marmot are found only in 
the Alps, not at all in the Apennines. In the latter the bear was found 
in Roman times, and there are said to be still a few remaining. 
Wolves are more numerous, though only in the mountainous 
districts ; the flocks are protected against them by large white sheep- 
dogs, who have some wolf blood in them. Wild boars are also found 
in mountainous and forest districts. Foxes are common in the 
neighbourhood of Rome. The sea mammals include the common 
dolphin (Delphinus delphis). The birds are similar to those of central 
Europe; in the mountains vultures, eagles, buzzards, kites, falcons 
and hawks are found. Partridges, woodcock, snipe, &c, are among 
the game-birds; but all kinds of small birds are also 9hot for food, 
and their number is thus kept down, while many members of the 
migratory species are caught by traps in the foothills on the south 
side of the Alps, especially near the Lake of Como, on their passage. 
Large numbers of quails are shot in the spring. Among reptiles, 
the various kinds of lizard are noticeable. There are several varieties 
of snakes, of which three species (all vipers) are poisonous. Of sea- 

fish there are many varieties, the tunny, the sardine and the anchovy 
being commercially the most important. Some of the other edible 
fish, such as the palombo, are not found in northern waters. Small 
cuttlefish are in common use as an article of diet. Tortoiseshell, 
an important article of commerce, is derived from the Thalassochelys 
caretta, a sea turtle. Of freshwater fish the trout of the mountain 
streams and the eels of the coast lagoons may be mentioned. The 
tarantula spider and the scorpion are found in the south of Italy. 
The aquarium of the zoological station at Naples contains the 
finest collection in the world of marine animals, showing the wonderful 
variety of the different species of fish, molluscs, Crustacea, &c, found 
in the Mediterranean. (E. H. B.; T. As.) 

Population. — The following table indicates the areas of the several 
provinces (sixty-nine in number), and the population of each accord- 
ing to the censuses of the 31st of December 1881 and the 9th of 
February 1901. (The larger divisions or compartments in which the 
provinces are grouped are not officially recognized.} 

1 On the influence of malaria on the population of Early Italy see 
W. H. S. Jones in Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, ii. 97 sqq. 
(Liverpool, 1909). 

Provinces and Compartments. 1 

Area in 









635,4 00 





Piedmont .... 










Porto Maurizio .... 
Liguria .... 




























Lombardy , . . . 


























1 188 



Venetia .... 





























Reggio (Emilia) .... 
Emilia .... 






















Massa and Carrara 








Tuscany .... 
















Pesaro and Urbino 

Marches .... 
Perugia — Umbria .... 
















■Provinces and Compartments. 

Area in 


sq. m. 



Aquila degli Abruzzi (Abruzzo 
Ulteriore II.) .... 
Campobasso (Molise) . 
Chieti (Abruzzo Citeriore) 
Teramo (Abruzzo Ulteriore I.) 

Abruzzi and Molise 

Avellino (Principato Ulteriore) 

Caserta (Terra di Lavoro) 


Salerno (Principato Citeriore) 


Bari delle Puglie (Terra di Bari) 
Foggia (Capitanata) . 
I Lecce (Terra di Otranto) . 

Apulia .... 

Potenza (Basilicata) 

Catanzaro (Calabria Ulteriore 


Cosenza (Calabria Citeriore) . 
Reggio di Calabria (Calabria 

Ulteriore I.) 

Calabria .... 

Syracuse .... 


Sardinia .... 

1 138 






1 1 72 
















































Kingdom of Italy .... 




The number of foreigners in Italy in 1901 was 61,606, of whom 
37,762 were domiciled within the kingdom. 

,, population given in the foregoing table is the resident or 

" legal " population, which is also given for the individual towns. 
This is 490,251 higher than the actual population, 32,475,253, 
ascertained by the census of the 10th of February 1901 ; the differ- 
ence is due to temporary absences from their residences of certain 
individuals on military service, &c, who probably were counted twice, 
and also to the fact that 469,020 individuals were returned as absent 
from Italy, while only 61,606 foreigners were in Italy at the date of 
the census. The kingdom is divided into 69 provinces, 284 regions, 
of which 197 are classed as circondarii and 87 as districts (the Tatter 
belonging to the province of Mantua and the 8 provinces of Venetia), 
1806 administrative divisions (mandamenti) and 8262 communes. 
These were the figures at the date of the census. In 1906 there were 
1805 mandamenti and 8290 communes, and 4 boroughs in Sardinia 
not connected with communes. The mandamenti or administrative 
divisions no longer correspond to the judicial divisions (mandamenti 
giudiziarii) which in November 1 891 were reduced from 1806 to 
1535 by a law which provided that judicial reform should not modify 
existing administrative and electoral divisions. The principal elective 
local administrative bodies are the provincial and the communal 
councils. The franchise is somewhat wider than the parliamentary. 
Both bodies are elected for six years, one-half being renewed every 
three years. The provincial council elects a provincial commission 
and the communal council a municipal council from among its own 
members; these smaller bodies carry on the business of the larger 
while they are not sitting. The syndic of each commune is elected 
by ballot by the communal council from among its own members. 

The actual (not the resident or " legal") population of Italy since 
1770 is approximately given in the following table (the first census 
of the kingdom as a whole was taken in 1871) : — 

1770 . 

• 14,689,317 

1861 . 

. 25,016,801 

1800 . 

. 17,237,421 

1871 . 

. 26,801,154 

1825 . 

• 19,726,977 

1881 . 

. 28,459,628 

1848 . 

• 23,617,153 

1901 . 

• 32,475,253 

The average density increased from 257-21 per sq. m. in 1881 to 
293-28 in 1901. In Venetia, Emilia, the Marches, Umbria and 
Tuscany the proportion of concentrated population is only from 
40 to 55%; in Piedmont, Liguria and Lombardy the proportion 
rises to from 70 to 76%; in southern Italy, Sicily and Sardinia it 
attains a maximum of from 76 to 93 %. 

The population of towns over 100,000 is given in the following 
table according to the estimates for 1906. The population of the 
town itself is distinguished from that of its commune, which often 
includes a considerable portion of the surrounding country. 

Town. Commune. 

Bologna 105,153 160,423 

Catania 135,548 159,210 

Florence 201,183 226,559 

Genoa 255,294 267,248 

Messina 108,514 165,007 

Milan 560,613 

Naples 491,614 585,289 

Palermo 264,036 323,747 

Rome 403,282 516,580 

Turin 277,121 361,720 

Venice 146,940 169,563 

The population of the different parts of Italy differs in charac- 
ter and dialect; and there is little community of sentiment 
between them. The modes of life and standards of comfort and 
morality in north Italy and in Calabria are widely different; the 
former being far in front of the latter. Much, however, is effected 
towards unification, by compulsory military service, it being the 
principle that no man shall serve within the military district to 
which he belongs. In almost all parts the idea of personal 
loyalty {e.g. between master and servant) retains an almost 
feudal strength. The inhabitants of the north — the Pied- 
montese, Lombards and Genoese especially — have suffered less 
than those of » the rest of the peninsula from foreign domination 
and from the admixture of inferior racial elements, and the cold 
winter climate prevents the heat of summer from being enervat- 
ing. They, and also the inhabitants of central Italy, are more 
industrious than the inhabitants of the southern provinces, 
who have by no means recovered from centuries of misgovern- 
ment and oppression, and are naturally more hot-blooded and 
excitable, but less stable, capable of organization or trust- 
worthy. The southerners are apathetic except when roused, 
and socialist doctrines find their chief adherents in the north. 
The Sicilians and Sardinians have something of Spanish dignity, 
but the former are one of the most mixed and the latter probably 
one of the purest races of the Italian kingdom. Physical character- 
istics differ widely; but as a whole the Italian is somewhat short 
of stature, with dark or black hair and eyes, often good looking. 
Both sexes reach maturity early. Mortality is decreasing, but 
if we may judge from the physical conditions of the recruits the 
physique of the nation shows little or no improvement. Much of 
this lack of progress is attributed to the heavy manual (especially 
agricultural) work undertaken by women and children. The 
women especially age rapidly, largely owing to this cause (E. 
Nathan, Vent'' anni di vita italiana attraverso all' annuario, 
169 sqq.). 

Births, Marriages, Deaths. — Birth and marriage rates vary 
considerably, being highest in the centre and south (Umbria, the 
Marches, Apulia, Abruzzi and Molise, and Calabria) and lowest in the 
north (Piedmont, Liguria and Venetia), and in Sardinia. The 
death-rate is highest in Apulia, in the Abruzzi and Molise, and in 
Sardinia, and lowest in the north, especially in Venetia and Piedmont. 
Taking the statistics for the whole kingdom, the annual marriage- 
rate for the years 1876-1880 was 7-53 per 1000; in 1881-1885 it rose 
to8-o6; in 1886-1890 it was 7-77; in 1891-1895 it was 7-41, and in 
1896-1900 it had gone down to 7-14 (a figure largely produced by 
the abnormally low rate of 6-88 in 1898), and in 1902 was 7-23. 
Divorce is forbidden by the Roman Catholic Church, and only 839 
judicial separations were obtained from the courts in 1902, more 
than half of the demands made having been abandoned. Of the 
whole population in 1901, 57-5% were unmarried, 36-0% married, 
and 6-5% widowers or widows. The illegitimate births show a 
decrease, having been 6-95 per 100 births in 1872 and 5-72 in 1902, 
with a rise, however, in the intermediate period as high as 7-76 in 
1883. The birth-rate shows a corresponding decrease from 38-10 

Eer 1000 in 1881 to 33-29 in 1902. The male births have since 1872 
een about 3%(3-i4 in 1872-1875 and 2-72 in 1896-1900) in excess 
of the female births, which is rather more than compensated for by 
the greater male mortality, the excess being 2-64 in 1872-1875 and 
having increased to 4-08 in 1 896-1900. (The calculations are made 




in both cases on the total of births and deaths of both sexes.) The 
result is that, while in 1871 there was an excess of 143,370 males 
over females in the total population, in 1881 the excess was only 
71,138, and in 1901 there were 169,684 more females than males. 
The death-rate (excluding still-born children) was, in 1872, 3078 
per 1000, and has since steadily decreased — less rapidly between 
1886-1890 than during other years; in 1902 it was only 22-15 and 
in 1899 was as low as 21-89. The excess of births over deaths shows 
considerable variations — owing to a very low birth-rate, it was only 
3-12 per 1000 in 1880, but has averaged 11-05 P er I00 ° from 1896 to 
1900, reaching 11-98 in 1899 and 11-14 m 1902. For the four years 
I 899-1902 24-66 % died under the age of one year, 9-41 between one 
and two years. The average expectation of life at birth for the same 
period was 52 years and 11 months, 62 years and 2 months at the 
age of three years, 52 years at the age of fifteen, 44 years at the age 
of twenty-four, 30 years at the age of forty; while the average 
period of life, which was 35 years 3 months per individual in 1882, 
was 43 years' per individual in 1901. This shows a considerable 
improvement, largely, but not entirely, in the diminution of infant 
mortality; the expectation of life at birth in 1882, it is true, was 
only 33 years and 6 months, and at three years of age 56 years 
I month ; but the increase, both in the expectation of life and in its 
average duration, goes all through the different ages. 

Occupations. — In the census of 1901 the population over nine years 
of age (both male and female) was divided as follows as regards the 
main professions : — 




Agricultural (including hunt- 
ing and fishing) .... 


Commerce and transport 
(public and private services) 

Domestic service, &c. 

Professional classes, admini- 
stration, &c 












Emigration. — The movement of emigration may be divided into 
two currents, temporary and permanent — the former going chiefly 
towards neighbouring European countries and to North Africa, and 
consisting of manual labourers, the latter towards trans-oceanic 
countries, principally Brazil, Argentina and the United States. 
These emigrants remain abroad for several years, even when they 
do not definitively establish themselves there. They are composed 
principally of peasants, unskilled workmen and other manual 
labourers. There was a tendency towards increased emigration 
during .the last quarter of the 19th century. The principal causes 
are the growth of population, and the over-supply of and low rates 
of remuneration for manual labour in various Italian provinces. 
Emigration has, however, recently assumed such proportions as to 
lead to scarcity of labour and rise of wages in Italy itself. Italians 
form about half of the total emigrants to America. 


Temporary Emigration. 

Permanent Emigration. 

Total No. of 

Per every 
100,000 of 

Total No. of 

Per every 
100,000 of 







The increased figures may, to a minor extent, be due to better 
registration, in consequence of the law of 1901. 

From the next table will be seen the direction of emigration in the 
years specified: — 







N. Africa 

U.S. and Canada 
Mexico (Central America) 
South America 
Asia and Oceania 

Total .... 






































The figures for 1905 show that the total of 718,221 emigrants was 
made up, as regards numbers, mainly by individuals from Venetia, 
Sicily, Campania, Piedmont, Calabria and the Abruzzi; while the 
percentage was highest in Calabria (4-44), the Abruzzi, Venetia, 
Basilicata, the Marches, Sicily (2-86), Campania, Piedmont (2-02). 
Tuscany gives 1-20, Latium 1-14 %, Apulia only 102, while Sardinia 
with 0-34 % occupies an exceptional position. The figure for Sicily, 
which was 106,000 in 1905, reached 127,000 in 1906 (3-5 %), and of 

these about three-fourths would be adults; in the meantime, how- 
ever, the population increases so fast that even in 1905 there was a 
net increase in Sicily of 20,000 souls; so that in three years 220,000 
workers were replaced by 320,000 infants. 

The phenomenon of emigration in Sicily cannot altogether be 
explained by low wages, which have risen, though prices have done 
the same. It has been defined as apparently " a kind of collective 

Agriculture. — Accurate statistics with regard to the area 
occupied in different forms of cultivation are difficult to obtain, 
both on account of their varied and piecemeal character and 
from the lack of a complete cadastral survey. A complete 
survey was ordered by the law of the 1st of March 1886, but 
many years must elapse before its completion. The law, however, 
enabled provinces most heavily burdened by land tax to ac- 
celerate their portion of the survey, and to profit by the reassess- 
ment of the tax on the new basis. An idea of the effects of the 
survey may be gathered from the fact that the assessments in the 
four provinces of Mantua, Ancona, Cremona and Milan, which 
formerly amounted to a total of £1,454,696, are now £2,788,080, an 
increase of 91%. Of the total area of Italy, 70,793,000 acres, 
71% are classed as "productive." The unproductive area 
comprises 16% of the total area (this includes 4% occupied by 
lagoons or marshes, and 1-75% of the total area susceptible of 
bonificazione or improvement by. drainage. Between 1882 and 
1902 over £4,000,000 was spent on this by the government). The 
uncultivated area is 13%. This includes 3-50% of the total 
susceptible of cultivation. 

The cultivated area may be divided into five agrarian regions or 
zones, named after the variety of tree culture which flourishes in 
them. (1) Proceeding from south to north, the first zone is that of 
the agrumi (oranges, lemons and similar fruits). It comprises a 
great part of Sicily. In Sardinia it extends along the southern and 
western coasts. It predominates along the Ligurian Riviera from 
Bordighera to Spezia, and on the Adriatic, near San Benedetto del 
Tronto and Gargano, and, crossing the Italian shore of the Ionian 
Sea, prevails in some regions of Calabria, and terminates around the 
gulfs of Salerno, Sorrento and Naples. (2) The region of olives 
comprises the internal Sicilian valleys and part of the mountain 
slopes; in Sardinia, the valleys near the coast on the S.E., S.W. and 
N.W. ; on the mainland it extends from Liguria and from the 
southern extremities of the Romagna to Cape Santa Maria di Leuca 
in Apulia, and to Cape Spartivento in Calabria. Some districts of 
the olive region ar& near the lakes of upper Italy and in Venetia, 
and the territories of Verona, Vicenza, Treviso and Friuli. (3) The 
vine region begins on the sunny slopes of the Alpine spurs and in 
those Alpine valleys open towards the south, extending over the 
plains of Lombardy and Emilia. In Sardinia it covers the mountain 
slopes to a considerable height, and in Sicily covers the sides of the 
Madonie range, reaching a level above 3000 ft. on the southern slope 
of Etna. The Calabrian Alps, the less rocky sides of the Apulian 
Murgie and the whole length of the Apennines are covered at 
different heights, according to their situation. The hills of Tuscany, 
and of Monferrato in Piedmont, produce the most celebrated Italian 
vintages. (4) The region of chestnuts extends from the valleys to 
the high plateaus of the Alps, along the northern slopes of the 
Apennines in Liguria, Modena, Tuscany, Romagna, Umbria, the 
Marches and along the southern Apennines to the Calabrian and 
Sicilian ranges, as well as to the mountains of Sardinia. (5) The 
wooded region covers the Alps and Apennines above the chestnut 
level. The woods consist chiefly of pine and hazel upon the Apennines, 
and upon the Calabrian, Sicilian and Sardinian mountains of oak, 
ilex, hornbeam and similar trees. 

Between these regions of tree culture lie zones of different her- 
baceous culture, cereals, vegetables 
and textile plants. The style of 
cultivation varies according to the 
nature of the ground, terraces sup- 
ported by stone walls being much 
used in mountainous districts. Cereal 
cultivation occupies the foremost 
place in area and quantity though 
it has been on the decline since 
1903, still representing, however, an 
advance on previous years. Wheat 
is the most important crop and 
is widely distributed. In 1905 12,734,491 acres, or about 18% 
of the total area, produced 151,696,571 bushels of wheat, a yield 
of only 12 bushels per acre. The importation has, however, 
enormously increased since 1882 — from 164,600 to 1,126,368 tons; 
while the extent of land devoted to corn cultivation has slightly 
decreased. Next in importance to wheat comes maize, occupying 
about 7 % of the total area of the country, and cultivated almost 
everywhere as an alternative crop. The production of maize in 1905 




reached about 96,250,000 bushels, a slight increase on the average. 
The production of maize is, however, insufficient, and 208,719 tons 
were imported in 1902 — about double the amount imported in 1882. 
Rice is cultivated in low-lying, moist lands, where spring and 
summer temperatures are high. The Po valley and the valleys of 
Emilia and the Romagna are best adapted for rice, but the area is 
diminishing on account of the competition of foreign rice and of the 
impoverishment of the soil by too intense cultivation. The area is 
about 0-5 % of the total of Italy. The area under rye is about 0-5 % 
of the total, of which about two-thirds lie in the Alpine and about 
one-third in the Apennine zone. The barley zone is geographically 
extensive but embraces not more than 1 % of the total area, of which 
lalf is situated in Sardinia and Sicily. Oats, cultivated in the Roman 
and Tuscan maremma and in Apulia, are used almost exclusively for 
horses and cattle. The area of oats cultivation is 1-5% of the total 
area. The other cereals, millet and panico sorgo (Panicum italicum), 
have lost much of their importance in consequence of the introduc- 
tion of maize and rice. Millet, however, is still cultivated in the north 
of Italy, and is used as bread for agricultural labourers, and as 
forage when mixed with buckwheat {Sorghum saccaratum). The 
manufacture of macaroni and similar foodstuff is a characteristic 
Italian industry. It is extensively distributed, but especially 
flourishes in the Neapolitan provinces. The exportation of " corn- 
flour pastes " sank, however, from 7100 tons to 350 between 1882 
and 1902. 

The cultivation of green forage is extensive and is divided into the 
categories of temporary and perennial. The temporary includes 
vetches, pulse, lupine, clover and trifolium ; and the perennial, 
meadow-trefoil, lupinella, sulla (Hedysarum coronarium), lucerne 
and darnel. The natural grass meadows are extensive, and hay is 
grown all over the country, but especially in the Po valley. Pasture 
occupies about 30% of the total area of the country, of which 
Alpine pastures occupy 1-25%. Seed-bearing vegetables are 
comparatively scarce. The principal are: white beans, largely 
consumed by the working classes; lentils, much less cultivated than 
beans; and green peas, largely consumed in Italy, and exported as 
a spring vegetable. Chick-pease are extensively cultivated in the 
southern provinces. Horse beans are grown, especially in the south 
and in the larger islands; lupines are also grown for fodder. 

Among tuberous vegetables the potato comes first. The area 
occupied is about 0-7% of the whole of the country. Turnips are 
grown principally in the central provinces as an alternative crop to 
wheat. They yield as much as 12 tons per acre. Beetroot (Beta 
vulgaris) is used as fodder, and yields about 10 tons per acre. Sugar 
beet is extensively grown to supply the sugar factories. In I 898-1899 
there were only four sugar factories, with an output of 5972 tons; 
in 1905 there were thirty-three, with an output of 93,916 tons. 

Market gardening is carried on both near towns and villages, 
where products find ready sale, and along the great railways, on 
account of transport facilities. Rome is an exception to the former 
rule and imports garden produce largely from the neighbourhood of 
Naples and from Sardinia. 

Among the chief industrial plants is tobacco, which grows wherever 
suitable soil exists. Since tobacco is a government monopoly, its 
cultivation is subject to official concessions and prescriptions. 
Experiments hitherto made show that the cultivation of Oriental 
tobacco may. profitably be extended in Italy. The yield for 1901 
was 5528 tons, but a large increase took place subsequently, eleven 
million new plants having been added in southern Italy in 1905. 

The chief textile plants are hemp, flax and cotton. Hemp is 
largely cultivated in the provinces of Turin, Ferrara, Bologna, Forli, 
Ascoli Piceno and Caserta. Bologna hemp is specially valued. 
Flax covers about 160,000 acres, with a product, in fibre, amounting 
to about 20,000 tons. Cotton (Gossypium herbaceum) , which at 
the beginning of the 19th century, at the time of the Continental 
blockade, and again during the American War of Secession, was 
largely cultivated, is now grown only in parts of Sicily and in a few 
southern provinces. Sumach, liquorice and madder are also grown 
in the south. 

The vine is cultivated throughout the length and breadth of Italy, 
but while in some of the districts of the south and centre it occupies 
from 10 to 20% of the cultivated area, in some of the northern 
provinces, such as Sondrio, Belluno, Grosseto, &c, the average is 
only about I or 2 %. The methods of cultivation are varied ; but 
the planting of the vines by themselves in long rows of insignificant 
bushes is the exception. In Lombardy, Emilia, Romagna, Tuscany, 
the Marches, Umbria and the southern provinces, they are trained 
to trees which are either left in their natural state or subjected to 
pruning and pollarding. In Campania the vines are allowed to climb 
freely to the tops of the poplars. In the rest of Italy the elm and 
the maple are the trees mainly employed as supports. Artificial 
props of several kinds — wires, cane work, trellis work, &c. — are also 
in use in many districts (in the neighbourhood of Rome canes are 
almost exclusively employed), and in some the plant is permitted 
to trail along the ground. The vintage takes place, according to 
locality and climate, from the beginning of September to the beginning 
of November. The vine has been attacked by the Oidium Tuckeri, 
the Phylloxera vastatrix and the Peronospora viticola, which in 
rapid succession wrought great havoc in Italian vineyards. American 
vines, are, however, immune and have been largely adopted. The 

production of wine in the vintage of 1 907, which was extraordinarily 
abundant all over the country, was estimated at 1232 million gallons 
(56 million hectolitres), the average for 1901-1903 being some 352 
million gallons less; of this the probable home consumption was 
estimated at rather over half, while a considerable amount remained 
over from 1906. The exportation in 1902 only reached about 45 
million gallons (and even that is double the average) , while an equally 
abundant vintage in France and Spain rendered the exportation of 
the balance of 1907 impossible, and fiscal regulations rendered the 
distillation of the superfluous amount difficult. The quality, too, 
owing to bad weather at the time of vintage, was not good ; Italian 
wine, indeed, never is sufficiently good to compete with the best wines 
of other countries, especially France (though there is more opening 
for Italian wines of the Bordeaux and Burgundy type) ; nor will 
many kinds of it stand keeping, partly owing to their natural qualities 
and partly to the insufficient care devoted to their preparation. 
There has been some improvement, however, while some of the 
heavier white wines, noticeably the Marsala of Sicily, have excellent 
keeping qualities. The area cultivated as vineyards has increased 
enormously, from about 4,940,000 acres to 9,880,000 acres, or about 
14% of the total area of the country. Over-production seems thus 
to be a considerable danger, and improvement of quality is rather 
to be sought after. This has been encouraged by government prizes 
since 1904. 

Next to cereals and the vine the most important object of cultiva- 
tion is the olive. In Sicily and the provinces of Reggio, Catanzaro, 
Cosenza and Lecce this tree flourishes without shelter; as far north 
as Rome, Aquila and Teramo it requires only the slightest protection ; 
in the rest of the peninsula it. runs the risk of damage by frost every 
ten years or so. The proportion of ground under olives is from 20 to 
36% at Porto Maurizio, and in Reggio, Lecce, Bari, Chieti and 
Leghorn it averages from 10 to 19%. Throughout Piedmont, 
Lombardy, Venetia and the greater part of Emilia, the tree is of 
little importance. In the olive there is great variety of kinds, and 
the methods of cultivation differ greatly in different districts; in 
Bari, Chieti and Lecce, for instance, there are regular woods of 
nothing but olive-trees, while in middle Italy there are olive-orchards 
with the interspaces occupied by crops of various kinds. The 
Tuscan oils from Lucca, Calci and Buti are considered the best in 
the world; those of Bari, Umbria and western Liguria rank next. 
The wood of the olive is also used for the manufacture of small 
articles. The olive-growing area occupies about 3-5% of the total 
area of the country, and the crop in 1905 produced about 75,000,000 
gallons of oil. The falling off of the crop, especially in 1899, was due 
to bad seasons and to insects, notably the Cycloconium oleoginum, 
and the Dacus oleae, or oil-fly, which have ravaged the olive-yards, 
and it is noticeable that lately good and bad seasons seem to alter- 
nate ; between 1900 and 1905 the crops were alternately one half of, 
and equal to, that of the latter year. With the development of 
agricultural knowledge, notable improvements have been effected 
in the manufacture of oil. The steam mills give the best results. 
The export trade, however, is decreasing considerably, while the 
home consumption is increasing. In 1901, 1985 imperial tuns of oil 
were shipped from Gallipoli for abroad — two-thirds to the United 
Kingdom, one-third to Russia — and 666 to Italian ports; while in 
1904 the figures were reversed, 1633 tuns going to Italian ports, 
and only 945 tuns to foreign ports. The other principal port of 
shipping is Gioia Tauro, 30 m. N.N.E. of Reggio Calabria. A certain 
amount of linseed-oil is made in Lombardy, Sicily, Apulia and 
Calabria; colza in Piedmont, Lombardy, Venetia and Emilia; 
and castor-oil in Venetia and Sicily. The product is principally used 
for industrial purposes, and partly in the preparation of food, but 
the amount is decreasing. 

The cultivation of oranges, lemons and their congeners (collec- 
tively designated in Italian by the term agrumi) is of comparatively 
modern date, the introduction of the Citrus Bigaradia being probably 
due to the Arabs. Sicily is the chief centre of cultivation — the area 
occupied by lemon and orange orchards in the province of Palermo 
alone having increased from 11,525 acres in 1854 to 54,340 in 1874. 
Reggio Calabria, Catanzaro, Cosenza, Lecce, Salerno, Naples and 
Caserta are the continental provinces which come next after Sicily. 
In Sardinia the cultivation is extensive, but receives little attention. 
Both crude and concentrated lime-juice is exported, and essential 
oils are extracted from the rind of the agrumi, more particularly from 
that of the lemon and the bergamot. In northern and central Italy, 
except in the province of Brescia, the agrumi are almost non-existent. 
The trees are planted on irrigated soil and the fruit gathered between 
November and August. Considerable trade is done in agro di limone 
or lemon extract, which forms the basis of citric acid. Extraction is 
extensively carried on in the provinces of Messina and Palermo. 

Among other fruit trees, apple-trees have special importance. 
Almonds are widely cultivated in Sicily, Sardinia and the sonthern 
provinces; walnut trees throughout the peninsula, their wood being 
more important than their fruit ; hazel nuts, figs, prickly pears (used 
in the south and the islands for hedges, their fruit being a minor 
consideration), peaches, pears, locust beans and pistachio nuts are 
among the other fruits. The mulberry -tree (Morus alba), whose 
leaves serve as food for silkworms, is cultivated in every region,, 
considerable progress having been made in its cultivation and in the 
rearing of silkworms since 1850. Silkworm-rearing establishments 




of importance now exist in the Marches, Umbria, in the Abruzzi, 
. Tuscany, Piedmont and Venetia. The chief silk-producing provinces 
are Lombardy, Venetia and Piedmont. During the period 1900-1904 
the average annual production of silk cocoons was 53,500 tons, and 
of silk 5200 tons. 

The great variety in physical and social conditions throughout 
the peninsula gives corresponding variety to the methods of agricul- 
ture. In the rotation of crops there is an amazing diversity — shifts of 
two years, three years, four years, six years, and in many cases 
whatever order strikes the fancy of the farmer. The fields of Tuscany 
for the most part bear wheat one year and maize the next, in per- 
petual interchanges, relieved to some extent by green crops. A 
similar method prevails in the Abruzzi, and in the provinces of 
Salerno, Benevento and Avellino. In Lombardy a six-year shift 
is common: either wheat, clover, maize, rice, rice, rice (the last 
year manured with lupines) or maize, wheat followed by clover, 
clover, clover ploughed in, and rice, rice and rice manured with 
lupines. The Emilian region is one where regular rotations are best 
observed — a common shift being grain, maize, clover, beans and 
vetches, &c, grain, which has the disadvantage of the grain crops 
succeeding each other. In the province of Naples, Caserta, &c, 
the method of fallows is widely adopted, the ground often being left 
in this state for fifteen or twenty years; and in some parts of Sicily 
there is a regular interchange of fallow and crop year by year. The 
following scheme indicates a common Sicilian method of a type which 
has many varieties: fallow, grain, grain, pasture, pasture— pother 
two divisions of the area following the same order, but beginning 
respectively with the two years of grain and the two of pasture. 

Woods and forests play an important part, especially in regard 
to the consistency of the soil and to the character of the water- 
Woods courses. The chestnut is of great value for its wood and 
j its fruit, an article of popular consumption. Good timber 

forests ls lurmsne d by the oak and beech, and pine and fir forests 
of the Alps and Apennines. Notwithstanding the efforts 
of the government to unify and co-ordinate the forest laws previously 
existing in the various states, deforestation has continued in many 
regions. This has been due to speculation, to the unrestricted 
pasturage of goats, to the rights which many communes have over 
the forests, and to some extent to excessive taxation, which led the 
proprietors to cut and sell the trees and then abandon the ground 
to the Treasury. The results are — a lack of water-supply and of 
water-power, the streams becoming mere torrents for a short period 
and perfectly dry for the rest of the year; lack of a sufficient supply 
of timber; the denudation of the soil on the hills, and, where the 
valleys below have insufficient drainage, the formation of swamps. 
If the available water-power of Italy, already very considerable, 
be harnessed, converted into electric power (which is already being 
done in some districts), and further increased by reafforestation, the 
effect upon the industries of Italy will be incalculable, and the 
importation of coal will be very materially diminished. The area of 
forest is about 14-3% of the total, and of the chestnut-woods 1-5 
more; and its products in 1886 were valued at £3,520,000 (not 
including chestnuts). A quantity of it is really brushwood, used for 
the manufacture of charcoal and for fuel, coal being little used 
except for manufacturing purposes. Forest nurseries have also been 

According to an approximate calculation the number of head of 
live stock in Italy in 1890 was 16,620,000, thus divided : — • 
horses, 720,000; asses, 1,000,000; mules, 300,000; 
cattle, 5,000,000; sheep, 6,000,000; goats, 1,800,000; 
swine, 1,800,000. 

The breed of cattle most widely distributed is that known as the 
Podolian, usually with white or grey coat and enormous horns. Of 
the numerous sub-varieties, the finest is said to be that of the Val 
di Chiana, where the animals are stall-fed all the year round; next 
is ranked the so-called Valle Tiberina type. Wilder varieties roam 
in vast herds over the Tuscan and Roman maremmas, and the corre- 
sponding districts in Apulia and other regions. In the Alpine 
districts there is a stock distinct from the Podolian, generally called 
razza montanina. These animals are much smaller in stature and 
more regular in form than the Podolians; they are mainly kept for 
dairy purposes. Another stock, with no close allies nearer than the 
south of France, is found in the plain of Racconigi and Carmagnola ; 
the mouse-coloured Swiss breed occurs in the neighbourhood of 
Milan; the Tirolese breed stretches south to Padua and Modena; 
and a red-coated breed named of Reggio or Friuli is familiar both in 
what were the duchies of Parma and Modena, and in the provinces 
of Udine and Treviso. In Sicily the so-called Modica race is of note; 
and in Sardinia there is a distinct stock which seldom exceeds the 
weight of 700 lb. Buffaloes are kept in several districts, more 
particularly of southern Italy. 

Enormous flocks are possessed by professional sheep-farmers, 
who pasture them in the mountains in the summer, and bring them 
down to the plains in the winter. At Saluzzo in Piedmont there is 
a stock with hanging ears, arched face and tall stature, kept for its 
dairy qualities; and in the Biellese the merino breed is maintained 
by some of the larger proprietors. In the upper valleys of the Alps 
there are many local varieties, one of which at Ossola is like the 
Scottish blackface. Liguria is not much adapted for sheep-farming 
on a large scale; but a number of small flocks come down to the 


plain of Tuscany in the winter. With the exception of a few sub- 
Alpine districts near Bergamo and Brescia, the great Lombard plain 
is decidedly unpastoral. The Bergamo sheep is the largest breed in 
the country ; that of Cadore and Belluno approaches it in size. In 
the Venetian districts the farmers often have small stationary flocks. 
Throughout the Roman province, and Umbria, Apulia, the Abruzzi, 
Basilicata and Calabria, is found in its full development a remarkable 
system of pastoral migration with the change of seasons which has 
been in existence from the most ancient times, and has attracted 
attention as much by its picturesqueness as by its industrial import- 
ance (see Apulia). Merino sheep have been acclimatized in the 
Abruzzi, Capitanata and Basilicata. The number of sheep, however, 
is on the decrease. Similarly, the number of goats, which are reared 
only in hilly regions, is decreasing, especially on account of the exist- 
ing forest laws, as they are the chief enemies of young plantations. 
Horse-breeding is on the increase. The state helps to improve the 
breeds by placing choice stallions at the disposal of private breeders 
at a low tariff. The exportation is, however, unimportant, while the 
importation is largely on the increase, 46,463 horses having been 
imported in 1902. Cattle-breeding varies with the different regions. 
In upper Italy cattle are principally reared in pens and stalls; in 
central Italy cattle are allowed to run half wild, the stall system being 
little practised ; in the south and in the islands cattle are kept in the 
open air, few shelters being provided. The erection of shelters, 
however, is encouraged by the state. Swine are extensively reared in 
many provinces. Fowls are kept on all farms and, though methods 
are still antiquated, trade in fowls and eggs is rapidly increasing. 

In 1905 Italy exported 32,786 and imported 17,766 head of cattle; 
exported 33,574 and imported 6551 sheep; exported 95,995 and 
imported 1604 swine. The former two show a very large decrease 
and the latter a large increase on the export figures for 1882. The 
export of agricultural products shows a large increase. 

The north of Italy has long been known for its great dairy districts. 
Parmesan cheese, otherwise called Lodigiano (from Lodi) or grana, 
was presented to King Louis XII. as early as 1509. Parmesan is not 
confined to the province from which it derives its name; it is manu- 
factured in all that part of Emilia in the neighbourhood of the Po, 
and in the provinces of Brescia, Bergamo, Pavia, Novara and 
Alessandria. Gorgonzola, which takes its name from a town in the 
province, has become general throughout the whole of Lombardy, 
in the eastern parts of the "ancient provinces," and in the province of 
Cuneo. The cheese known as the cacio-cavallo is produced in regions 
extending from 37 to 43° N. lat. Gruyere, extensively manufactured 
in Switzerland and France, is also produced in Italy in the Alpine 
regions and in Sicily. With the exception of Parmesan, Gorgonzola, 
La Fontina and Gruyere, most of the Italian cheese is consumed in 
the locality of its production. Co-operative dairy farms are 
numerous in north Italy, and though only about half as many as 
in 1889 (114 in 1902) are better organized. Modern methods have 
been introduced. 

The drainage of marshes and marshy lands has considerably 
extended. A law passed on the 22nd of March 1900 gave a n 
special impulse to this form of enterprise by fixing the ratio ™* lna X e ' 
of expenditure incumbent respectively upon the State, 
the provinces, the communes, and the owners or other private 
individuals directly interested. 

The Italian Federation of Agrarian Unions has greatly contributed 
to agricultural progress. Government travelling teachers . Hm 
of agriculture, and fixed schools of viticulture, also do good ^ 
work. Some unions annually purchase large quantities eC V" > ' 
of merchandise for their members, especially chemical mlcs - 
manures. The importation of machinery amounted to over 
5000 tons in 1901. 

Income from land has diminished on the whole. The chief 
diminution has taken place in the south in regard to oranges and 
lemons, cereals and (for some provinces) vines. Since 1895, however, 
the heavy import corn duty has caused a slight rise in the income 
from corn lands. The principal reasons for the general decrease are 
the fall in prices through foreign competition and the closing of certain 
markets, the diseases of plants and the increased outlay required 
to combat them, and the growth of State and local taxation. One 
of the great evils of Italian agricultural taxation is its lack of elas- 
ticity and of adaptation to local conditions. Taxes are not sufficiently 
proportioned to what the land may reasonably be expected to 
produce, nor sufficient allowance made for the exceptional conditions 
of a southern climate, in which a few hours' bad weather may destroy 
a whole crop. The Italian agriculturist has come to look (and often 
in vain) for action on a large scale from the state, for irrigation, 
drainage of uncultivated low-lying land, which may be made fertile, 
river regulation, &c. ; while to the small proprietor the state often 
appears only as a hard and inconsiderate tax-gatherer. 

The relations between owners and tillers of the soil are still 
regulated by the ancient forms of agrarian contract, which have 
remained almost untouched by social and political changes. The 

Cossibility of reforming these contracts in some parts of the kingdom 
as been studied, in the hope of- bringing them into closer harmony 
with the needs of rational cultivation and the exigencies of social 
I Peasant proprietorship is most common in Lombardy and Pied- 
' mont, but it is also found elsewhere. Large farms are found in certain 




of the more open districts; but in Italy generally, and especially in 
Sardinia, the land is very much subdivided. The following forms of 
contract are most usual in the several regions: In Piedmont the 
mezzadria (metayage), the terzieria, the colonia parziaria, the boaria, 
the schiavenza and the affitto, or lease, are most usual. Under 
mezzadria the contract generally lasts three years. Products are 
usually divided in equal proportions between the owner and the 
tiller. The owner pays the taxes, defrays the cost of preparing the 
ground, and provides the necessary implements. Stock usually 
belongs to the owner, and, even if kept on the half-and-half system, 
is usually bought by him. The peasant, or mezzadro, provides 
labour. Under terzieria the owner furnishes stock, implements and 
seed, and the tiller retains only one-third of the principal products. 
In the colonia parziaria the peasant executes all the agricultural 
work, in return for which he is housed rent-free, and receives one- 
sixth of the corn, one-third of the maize and has a small money wage. 
This contract is usually renewed from year to year. The boaria 
is widely diffused in its two forms of cascina fatta and paghe. In the 
former case a peasant family undertakes all the necessary work in 
return for payment in money or kind, which varies according to the 
crop; in the latter the money wages and the payment in kind are 
fixed beforehand. Schiavenza, either simple or with a share in the 
crops, is a form of contract similar to the boaria, but applied princi- 
pally to large holdings. The wages are lower than under the boaria. 
In the affitto, or lease, the proprietor furnishes seed and the imple- 
ments. Rent varies according to the quality of the soil. 

I n Lombardy , besides the mezzadria, the lease is common, but the 
terzieria is rare. The lessee, or farmer, tills the soil at his own risk; 
usually he provides live stock, implements and capital, and has no 
right to compensation for ordinary improvements, nor for extra- 
ordinary improvements effected without the landlord's consent. 
He is obliged to give a guarantee for the fulfilment of his engage- 
ments. In some places he pays an annual tribute in grapes, corn and 
other produce. In some of the Lombard mezzadria contracts taxes 
are paid by the cultivator. 

In Venetia it is more common than elsewhere in Italy for owners 
to till their own soil. The prevalent forms of contract are the 
mezzadria and the lease. In Liguria, also, mezzadria and lease are 
the chief forms of contract. 

In Emilia both mezzadria and lease tenure are widely diffused in 
the provinces of Ferrara, Reggio and Parma; but other special 
forms of contract exist, known as the famiglio da spesa, boaria, 
braccianti obbligati and braccianti disobbligati. In the famiglio da 
spesa the tiller receives a small wage and a proportion of certain 
products. The boaria is of two kinds. If the tiller receives as much 
as 45 lire per month, supplemented by other wages in kind, it is said 
to be boaria a salario; if the principal part of his remuneration is in 
kind, his contract is called boaria a spesa. 

In the Marches, Umbria and Tuscany, mezzadria prevails in its 
purest form. Profits and losses, both in regard to produce and stock, 
are equally divided. In some places, however, the landlord takes 
two-thirds of the olives and the whole of the grapes and the mulberry 
leaves. Leasehold exists in the province of Grosseto alone. In 
Latium leasehold and farming by landlords prevail, but cases of 
mezzadria and of " improvement farms " exist. In the agro Romano, 
or zone immediately around Rome, land is as a rule left for pasturage. 
It needs, therefore, merely supervision by guardians and mounted 
overseers, or butteri, who are housed and receive wages. Large 
landlords are usually represented by ministri, or factors, who direct 
agricultural operations and manage the estates, but the estate is 
often let to a middleman, or mercante di campagna. Wherever corn 
is cultivated, leasehold predominates. Much of the work is done by 
companies of peasants, who come down from the mountainous 
districts when required, permanent residence not being possible 
owing to the malaria. Near Velletri and Frosinone " improvement 
farms " prevail. A piece of uncultivated land is made over to a 
peasant for from 20 to 29 years. Vines and olives are usually 
planted, the landlord paying the taxes and receiving one-third of the 
produce. At the end of the contract the landlord either cultivates 
his land himself or leases it, repaying to the improver part of the 
expenditure incurred by him. This repayment sometimes consists 
of half the estimated value of the standing crops. 

In the Abruzzi and in Apulia leasehold is predominant. Usually 
leases last from three to six years. In the provinces of Foggia and 
Lecce long leases (up to twenty-nine years) are granted, but in them 
it is explicitly declared that they do not imply enfiteusi (perpetual 
leasehold), nor any other form of contract equivalent to co-pro- 
prietorship. Mezzadria is rarely resorted to. On some small hold- 
ings, however, it exists with contracts lasting from two to six years. 
Special contracts, known as colonie immovibili and colonie temporanee 
are applied to the latifondi or huge estates, the owners of which receive 
half the produce, except that of the vines, olive-trees and woods, 
which he leases separately. " Improvement contracts " also exist. 
They consist of long leases, under which the landlord shares the 
costs of improvements and builds farm-houses; also leases of orange 
and lemon gardens, two-thirds of the produce of which go to the 
landlord, while the farmer contributes half the cost of farming 
besides the labour. Leasehold, varying from four to six years for 
arable land and from six to eighteen years for forest-land, prevails 
also in Campania, Basilicata and Calabria. The estaglio, or rent, 

is often paid in kind, and is equivalent to half the produce of good 
land and one-third of the produce of bad land. " Improvement 
contracts " are granted for uncultivated bush districts, where one 
fourth of the produce goes to the landlord, and for plantations of 
fig-trees, olive-trees and vines, half of the produce of which belongs 
to the landlord, who at the end of ten years reimburses the tenant 
for a part of the improvements effected. Other forms of contract 
are the piccola mezzadria, or sub-letting by tenants to under-tenants, 
on the half-and-half system; enfiteusi, or perpetual leases at low 
rents — a form which has almost died out; and mezzadria (in the 
provinces of Caserta and Benevento). 

In Sicily leasehold prevails under special conditions. In pure 
leasehold the landlord demands at least six months' rent as guarantee, 
and the forfeiture of any fortuitous advantages. Under the gabella 
lease the contract lasts twenty-nine years, the lessee being, obliged 
to make improvements, but being sometimes exempted from rent 
during the first years. Inquilinaggio is a form of lease by which the 
landlord, and sometimes the tenant, makes over to tenant or sub- 
tenant the sowing of corn. There are various categories of inquili- 
naggio, according as rent is paid in money or in kind. Under mezzadria 
or metateria the landlord divides the produce with the farmer in 
various proportions. The farmer provides all labour. Latifondi 
farms are very numerous in Sicily. The landlord lets his land to two 
or more persons jointly, who undertake to restore it to him in good 
condition with one-third of it " interrozzito," that is, fallow, so as to be 
cultivated the following year according to triennial rotation. These 
lessees are usually speculators, who divide and sub-let the estate. 
The sub-tenants in their turn let a part of their land to peasants 
in mezzadria, thus creating a system disastrous both for agriculture 
and the peasants. At harvest-time the produce is placed in the 
barns of the lessor, who first deducts 25% as premium, then 16% 
for battiteria (the difference between corn before and after winnowing) , 
then deducts a proportion for rent and subsidies, so that the portion 
retained by the actual tiller of the soil is extremely meagre. In bad 
years the tiller, moreover, gives up seed corn before beginning harvest. 
In Sardinia landlord-farming and leasehold prevail. In the few^ 
cases of mezzadria the Tuscan system is followed. 

Mines. — The number of mines increased from 589 in 1881 to 
1580 in 1902. The output in 1881 was worth about £2,800,000, but 
by 1895 had decreased to £1,800,000, chiefly on account of the fall 
in the price of sulphur. It afterwards rose, and was worth more than 
£3,640,000 in 1899, falling again to £3,118,600 in 1902 owing to severe 
American competition in sulphur (see Sicily). The chief minerals 
are sulphur, in the production of which Italy holds one of the first 
places, iron, zinc, lead; these, and, to a smaller extent, copper of an 
inferior quality, manganese and antimony, are successfully mined. 
The bulk of the sulphur mines are in Sicily, while the majority of the 
lead and zinc mines are in Sardinia; much of the lead smelting is 
done at Pertusola, near Genoa, the company formed for this purpose 
having acquired many of the Sardinian mines. Iron is mainly mined 
in Elba. Quicksilver and tin are found (the latter in small quantities) 
in Tuscany. Boracic acid is chiefly found near Volterra, where there 
is also a little rock salt, but the main supply is obtained by evapora- 
tion. The output of stone from quarries is greatly diminished (from 
12,500,000 tons, worth £1,920,000, in 1890, to 8,000,000 tons, worth 
£1,400,000, in 1899), a circumstance probably attributable to the 
slackening of building enterprise in many cities, and to the decrease 
in the demand for stone for railway, maritime and river embankment 
works. The value of the output had, however, by 1902 risen to 
£1,600,000, representing a tonnage of about 10,000,000. There is 
good travertine below Tivoli and elsewhere in Italy; the finest 
granite is found at Baveno. Lava is much used for paving-stones 
in the neighbourhood of volcanic districts, where pozzolana (for 
cement) and pumice stone are also important. Much of Italy contains 
Pliocene clay, which is good for pottery and brickmaking. Mineral 
springs are very numerous, and of great variety. 

Fisheries. — The number of boats and smacks engaged in the 
fisheries has considerably increased. In 1881 the total number was 
15,914, with a tonnage of 49,103. In 1902 there were 23,098 boats, 
manned by 101,720 men, and the total catch was valued at just over 
half a million sterling — according to the government figures, which 
are certainly below the truth. The value has, however, undoubtedly 
diminished, though the number of boats and crews increases. Most' 
of the fishing boats, properly so called, start from the Adriatic coast, 
the coral boats from the western Mediterranean coast, and the sponge 
boats from the western Mediterranean and Sicilian coasts. Fishing 
and trawling are carried on chiefly off the Italian (especially Ligurian, 
Austrian and Tunisian coasts; coral is found principally near 
Sardinia and Sicily, and sponges almost exclusively off Sicily arid 
Tunisia in the neighbourhood of Sfax. For sponge fishing no 
accurate statistics are available before 1896; in that year 75 tons of 
sponges were secured, but there has been considerable diminution 
since, only 31 tons being obtained in 1902. A considerable proportion 
was obtained by foreign boats. The island of Lampedusa may be 
considered its centre. Coral fishing, which fell off between 1889 and 
1892 on account of the temporary closing of the Sciacca coral reefs 
has greatly decreased since 1884, when the fisheries produced 643 
tons, whereas in 1902 they only produced 225 tons. The value of 
the product has, however, proportionately increased, so that the sum 
realized was little less, while less than half the number of men 




was employed. Sardinian coral commands from £3 to £4 per kilo- 
gramme (2-204 lb), and is much more valuable than the Sicilian 
coral. The Sciacca reefs were again closed for three winters by a 
decree of 1904. The fishing is largely carried on by boats from 
Torre del Greco, in the Gulf of Naples, where the best coral beds are 
now exhausted. In 1879 4000 men were employed; in 1902 only 
just over 1000. In 1902 there were 48 tunny fisheries, employing 
3006 men, and 51 16 tons of fish worth £80,000 were caught. The 
main fisheries are in Sardinia, Sicily and Elba. Anchovy and 
sardine fishing (the products of which are reckoned among the 
general total) are also of considerable importance, especially along 
the Ligurian and Tuscan coasts. The lagoon fisheries are also of 
great importance, more especially those of Comacchio, the lagoon 
of Orbetello and the Mare Piccolo at Taranto &c The deep-sea 
fishing boats in 1902 numbered 1368, with a total tonnage of 16,149 ; 
100 of these were coral-fishing boats and III sponge-fishing boats. 
Industrial Progress. — The industrial progress of Italy has been 
great since 1880. Many articles formerly imported are now 
made at home, and some Italian manufactures have begun to 
compete in foreign markets. Italy has only unimportant lignite 
and anthracite mines, but water power is abundant and has been 
largely applied to industry, especially in generating electricity. 
The electric power required for the tramways and the illumina- 
tion of Rome is entirely supplied by turbines situated at Tivoli, 
and this is the case elsewhere, and the harnessing of this water- 
power is capable of very considerable extension. A sign of 
industrial development is to be found in the growing number of 
manufacturing companies, both Italian and foreign. 

The chief development has taken place in mechanical industries, 
though it has also been marked in metallurgy. Sulphur mining 
„ . supplies large industries of sulphur-refining and grinding, 

Ud'. m s P' te °^ American competition. Very little pig iron is 
cannaus- ma ^ most f t h e iron ore being exported, and iron 
es ' manufactured consists of old iron resmelted. For steel- 

making foreign pig iron is chiefly used. The manufacture of steel 
rails, carried on first at Terni and afterwards at Savona, began in 
Italy in 1886. Tin has been manufactured since 1892. Lead, 
antimony, mercury and copper are also produced. The total salt 
production in 1902 was 458,497 tons, of which 248,215 were produced 
in the government salt factories and the rest in the free salt-works 
of Sicily. Great progress has been made in the manufacture of 
machinery; locomotives, railway carriages, electric tram-cars, &c, 
and machinery of all kinds, are now largely made in Italy itself, 
especially in the north and in the neighbourhood of Naples. At 
Turin the manufacture of motor-cars has attained great importance 
and the F.I.A.T. (Fabbrica Italiana Automobili Torino) factory em- 
ploys 2000 workmen, while eight others employ 2780 amongst them. 
The textile industries, some of which are of ancient date, are among 
those that have most rapidly developed. Handlooms and small spin- 
re tiles mn § establishments have, in the silk industry, given place 
x ' to large establishments with steam looms. The production 
of raw silk at least tripled itself between 1875 and 1900, and the value 
of the silks woven in Italy, estimated in 1890 to be £2,200,000, is now, 
on account of the development of the export trade, calculated to be 
almost £4,000,000. Lombardy (especially Como, Milan and Bergamo), 
Piedmont and Venetia are the chief silk-producing regions. There 
are several public assay offices in Italy for silk; the first in the world 
was established in Turin in 1750. The cotton industry has also 
rapidly developed. Home products not only supply the Italian 
market in increasing degree, but find their way into foreign markets. 
While importation of raw cotton increases importations of cotton 
thread and of cotton stuffs have rapidly decreased. The value of 
the annual produce of the various branches of the cotton industry, 
which in 1885 was calculated to be £7,200,000, was in 1900, not- 
withstanding the fall in prices, about £12,000,000. The industry 
is chiefly developed in Lombardy, Piedmont and Liguria; to some 
extent also in Campania, Venetia and Tuscany, and to a less extent 
in Lazio (Rome), Apulia, Emilia, the Marches, Umbria, the Abruzzi 
and Sicily. A government weaving school was established in Naples 
in 1906. As in the case of cotton, Italian woollen fabrics are con- 
quering the home market in increasing degree. The industry centres 
chiefly in Piedmont (province of Novara), Venetia (province of 
Vicenza), Tuscany (Florence), Lombardy (Brescia), Campania 
(Caserta); Genoa, Umbria, the Marches and Rome. To some extent 
the industry also exists in Emilia, Calabria, Basilicata, the Abruzzi, 
Sardinia and Sicily. It has, however, a comparatively small export 

The other textile industries (flax, jute, &c.) have made notable 
progress. The jute industry is concentrated in a few large factories, 
which from 1887 onwards have more than supplied the home market, 
and have begun considerably to export. 

Chemical industries show an output worth £2,640,000 in 1902 as 
against £1,040,000 in 1893. The chief products are sulphuric acid; 
Chemicals su 'P na te of copper, employed chiefly as a preventive of 
' certain maladies of the vine; carbonate of lead, hyper- 
phosphates and chemical manures; calcium carbide; explosive 
powder ; dynamite and other explosives. Pharmaceutical industries, 

as distinguished from those aboye mentioned, have kept pace with 
the general development of Italian activity. The principal product 
is quinine, the manufacture of which has acquired great importance, 
owing to its use as a specific against malaria. ' Milan and Genoa are 
the principal centres, and also the government military pharma- 
ceutical factory at Turin. Other industries of a semi-chemical 
character are candle-, soap-, glue-, and perfume-making, and the 
preparation of india-rubber. The last named has_ succeeded, by 
means of the large establishments at Milan in supplying not only the 
whole Italian market but an export trade. 

The match-making industry is subject to special fiscal conditions. 
In 1902-1903 there were 219 match factories scattered throughout 
Italy, but especially in Piedmont, Lombardy and Venetia. The 
number has been reduced to less than half since 1897 by the sup- 
pression of smaller factories, while the production has increased 
from 47,690 millions to 59,741 millions. 

The beetroot-sugar industry has attained considerable proportions 
in Umbria, the Marches, Lazio, Venetia and Piedmont since 1890. 
In 1898-1899, 5972 tons were produced, while in 1905 the figure 
had risen to 93,916. The rise of the industry has been favoured 
by protective tariffs and by a system of excise which allows a con- 
siderable premium to manufacturers. 

Alcohol has undergone various oscillations, according to the 
legislation governing distilleries. In 1871 only 20 hectolitres were 
produced, but in 1881 the output was 318,000 hectolitres, the 
maximum hitherto attained. Since then special laws have hampered 
development, some provinces, as for instance Sardinia, being allowed 
to manufacture for their own consumption but not for export. In 
other parts the industry is subjected to an almost prohibitive excise- 
duty. The average production is about 180,000 hectolitres per 
annum. The greatest quantity is produced in Lombardy, Piedmont, 
Venetia and Tuscany. The quantity of beer is about the same, 
the greater part of the beer drunk being imported from Germany, 
while the production of artificial mineral waters has somewhat 
decreased. There is a considerable trade (not very large for export, 
however) in natural mineral waters, which are often excellent. 

Paper-making is highly developed in the provinces of Novara, 
Caserta, Milan, Vicenza, Turin, Como, Lucca, Ancona, Genoa, 
Brescia, Cuneo, Macerata and Salerno. The hand-made paper of 
Fabriano is especially good. 

Furniture-making in different styles is carried on all over Italy, 
especially as a result of the establishment of industrial schools. 
Each region produces a special type, Venetia turning out imitations 
of 16th- and 17th-century styles, Tuscany the 15th-century or cinque- 
cento style, and the Neapolitan provinces the Pompeian style. 
Furniture and cabinet-making in great factories are carried on 
particularly in Lombardy and Piedmont. Bent-wood factories have 
been established in Venetia and Liguria. 

A characteristic Italian industry is that of straw-plaiting for 
hat-making, which is carried on principally in Tuscany, in the 
district of Fermo, in the Alpine villages of the province of Vicenza, 
and in some communes of the province of Messina. The plaiting 
is done by country women, while the hats are made up in factories. 
Both plaits and hats are largely exported. 

Tobacco is entirely a government monopoly; the total amount 
manufactured in 1902-1903 was 16,599 tons — a fairly constant figure. 
The finest glass is made in Tuscany and Venetia; Venetian glass 
is often coloured and of artistic form. 

In the various ceramic arts Italy was once unrivalled, but the 
ancient tradition for a long time lost its primeval impulse. The 
works at Vinovo, which had fame in the 1 8th century, 
came to an untimely end in 1820; those of Castelli (in 
the Abruzzi), which have been revived, were supplanted 
by Charles III.'s establishment at Capodimonte, 175R, 
which after producing articles of surprising execution was closed 
before the end of the century. The first place now belongs to the 
Delia Doccia works at Florence. Founded in 1735 by the marquis 
Carlo Ginori, they maintained a reputation of the very highest kind 
down to about i860; but since then they have not kept pace with 
their younger rivals in other lands. They still, however, are com- 
mercially successful. Other cities where the ceramic industries keep 
their ground are Pesaro, Gubbio, Faenza (whose name long ago 
became the distinctive term for the finer kind of potter's work in 
France, faience), Savona and Albissola, Turin, Mondovi, Cuneo, 
Castellamonte, Milan, Brescia, Sassuolo, Imola, Rimini, Perugia, 
Castelli, &c. In all these the older styles, by which these places 
became famous in the l6th-l8th centuries, have been revived. It 
is estimated that the total production of the finer wares amounts 
on the average to £400,000 per annum. The ruder branches of the 
art — -the making of tiles and common wares — are pretty generally 

The jeweller's art received large encouragement in a country 
which had so many independent courts ; but nowhere has it attained 
a fuller development than at Rome. A vast variety of trinkets — in 
coral, glass, lava, &c. — is exported from Italy, or carried away by 
the annual host of tourists. The copying of the paintings of the ojd 
masters is becoming an art industry of no small mercantile import- 
ance in some of the larger cities. 

The production of mosaics is an industry still carried on with 
much success in Italy, which indeed ranks exceedingly high in the 





department. The great works of the Vatican are especially famous 
(more than 17,000 distinct tints are employed in their productions), 
and there are many other establishments in Rome. The Florentine 
mosaics are perhaps better known abroad; they are composed of 
larger pieces than the Roman. Those of the Venetian artists are 
remarkable for the boldness of their colouring. There is a tendency 
towards the fostering of feminine home industries — lace-making, 
linen-weaving, &c. 

Condition of the Working Classes. — The condition of the 
numerous agricultural labourers (who constitute one-third of the 
population) is, except in some regions, hard, and in places 
absolutely miserable. Much light was thrown upon their position 
by the agricultural inquiry (inchiesta agraria) completed in 1884. 
The large numbers of emigrants, who are drawn chiefly from the 
rural classes, furnish another proof of poverty. The terms of 
agrarian contracts and leases (except in districts where mezzadria 
prevails in its essential form) , are in many regions disadvantageous 
to the labourers, who suffer from the obligation to provide 
guarantees for payment of rent, for repayment of seed corn and 
for the division of products. 

It was only at the close of the 19th century that the true cause 
of malaria — the conveyance of the infection by the bite of the 
Malaria. Anopheles claviger — was discovered. This mosquito does 
not as a rule enter the large towns; but low-lying coast 
districts and ill-drained plains are especially subject to it. Much 
has been done in keeping out the insects by fine wire netting placed 
on the windows and the doors of houses, especially in the railway- 
men's cottages. In 1902 the state took up the sale of quinine at a 
low price, manufacturing it at the central military pharmaceutical 
laboratory at Turin. Statistics show the difference produced by 
this measure. 

Financial Year. 

Pounds of 
quinine sold. 

Deaths by 

1 902- 1 903 
1 905- 1 906 
1 906- 1 907 






The profit made by the state, which is entirely devoted to a 
special fund for means against malaria, amounted in these 
five years to £41,759. It has been established that two 3-grain 
pastilles a day are a sufficient prophylactic; and the proprietors 
of malarious estates and contractors for public works in malarious 
districts are bound by law to provide sufficient quinine for their 
workmen, death for want of this precaution coming under the pro- 
visions of the workmen's compensation act. Much has also been, 
though much remains to be, done in the way of bonijicamento, i.e. 
proper drainage and improvement of the (generally fertile) low-lying 
and hithtrto malarious plains. 

In Venetia the lives of the small proprietors and of the salaried 
peasants are often extremely miserable. There and in Lombardy the 
disease known as pellagra is most widely diffused. The disease is 
due to poisoning by micro-organisms produced by deteriorated maize, 
and can be combated by care in ripening, drying and storing the 
maize. The most recent statistics show the disease to be diminish- 
ing. Whereas in 1881 there were 104,067 (16-29 per 1000) peasants 
afflicted by the disease, in 1899 there were only 72,603 (10-30 per 
1000) peasants, with a maximum of 39,882 (34'32_per 1000) peasants 
in Venetia, and 19,557 (12-90 per 1000) peasants in Lombardy. The 
decrease of the disease is a direct result of the efforts made to combat 
it, in the form of special hospitals or pellagrosari, economic kitchens, 
rural bakeries and maize-drying establishments. A bill for the 
better prevention of pellagra was introduced in the spring of 1902. 
The deaths from it dropped in that year to 2376, from 3054 in the 
previous year and 3788 in 1900. 

In Liguria, on account of the comparative rarity of large estates, 
agricultural labourers are in a better condition. Men earn between 
is. 3d. and 2s. id. a day, and women from 5d. to 8d. In Emilia 
the day labourers, known as disobbligati, earn, on the contrary, low 
wages, out of which they have to provide for shelter and to lay by 
something against unemployment. Their condition is miserable. 
In Tuscany, however, the prevalence of mezzadria, properly so 
called, has raised the labourers' position. Yet in some Tuscan 
provinces, as, for instance, that of Grosseto, where malaria rages, 
labourers are organized in gangs under " corporals," who undertake 
harvest work. They are poverty-stricken, and easily fall victims 
to fever. In the Abruzzi and in Apulia both regular and irregular 
workmen are engaged by the year. The curatori or curatoli (factors) 
receive £40 a year, with a slight interest in the profits; the stock- 
men hardly earn in money and kind £13; the muleteers and under- 
workmen get between £5 to £8, plus firewood, bread and oil; 

irregular workmen have even lower wages, with a daily distribution 
of bread, salt and oil. In Campania and Calabria the curatoli and 
massari earn, in money and kind, about £12 a year; cowmen, 
shepherds and muleteers about £10; irregular workmen are paid 
from 8Jd. to is. 8d. per day, but only find employment, on an 
average, 230 days in the year. The condition of Sicilian labourers 
is also miserable. The huge extent of the latifondi, or large estates, 
often results in their being left in the hands of speculators, who 
exploit both workmen and farmers with such usury that the latter 
are often compelled, at the end of a scanty year, to hand over their 
crops to the usurers before harvest. In Sardinia wage-earners are 
paid iod. a day, with free shelter and an allotment for private 
cultivation. Irregular adult workmen earn between iod. and is. 3d., 
and boys from 6d. to iod. a day. Woodcutters and vine-waterers, 
however, sometimes earn as much as 3s. a day. 

The peasants somewhat rarely use animal food — this is most largely 
used in Sardinia and least in Sicily — bread and polenta or macaroni 
and vegetables being the staple diet. Wine is the prevailing drink. 

The condition of the workmen employed in manufactures has 
improved during recent years. Wages are higher, the cost of the 
prime necessaries of life is, as a rule, lower, though taxation on 
some of them is still enormous; so that the remuneration of 
work has improved. Taking into account the variations in wages 
and in the price of wheat, it may be calculated that the number 
of hours of work requisite to earn a sum equal to the price of 
a cwt. of wheat fell from 183 in 187 1 to 73 in 1894. In 
1898 it was 105, on account of the rise In the price of wheat, and 
since then up till 1902 it oscillated between 105 and 95. 

Wages have risen from 22-6 centimes per hour (on an average) 
to 26-3 centimes, but not in all industries. In the mining and 
woollen industries they have fallen, but have increased in mechanical, 
chemical, silk and cotton industries. Wages vary greatly in different 
parts of Italy, according to the cost of the necessaries of life, the 
degree of development of working-class needs and the state of 
working-class organization, which in some places has succeeded in 
increasing the rates of pay. Women are, as a rule, paid less than 
men, and though their wages have also increased, the rise has been 
slighter than in the case of men. In some trades, for instance the 
silk trade, women earn little more than iod. a day, and, for some 
classes of work, as little as 7d. and 4Jd. The general improvement 
in sanitation has led to a corresponding improvement in the condi- 
tion of the working classes, though much still remains to be done, 
especially in the south. On the other hand, it is generally the case 
that even in the most unpromising inn the bedding is clean. 

The number of industrial strikes has risen from year to year, 
although, on account of the large number of persons involved in 
some of them, the rise in the number of strikers has not strikes 
always corresponded to the number of strikes. During 
the years 1900 and 1901 strikes were increasingly numerous, chiefly 
on account of the growth of Socialist and working-class organizations. 

The greatest proportion of strikes takes place in northern Italy, 
especially Lombardy and Piedmont, where manufacturing industries 
are most developed. Textile, building and mining industries show 
the highest percentage of strikes, since they give employment to 
large numbers of men concentrated in single localities. Agricultural 
strikes, though less frequent than those in manufacturing industries, 
have special importance in Italy. They are most common in the 
north and centre, a circumstance which shows them to be promoted 
less by the more backward and more ignorant peasants than by the 
better-educated labourers of Lombardy and Emilia, among whom 
Socialist organizations are widespread. Since 1901 there have been, 
more than once, general strikes at Milan and elsewhere, and one in 
the autumn of 1905 caused great inconvenience throughout the 
country, and led to no effective result. 

Although in some industrial centres the working-class movement 
has assumed an importance equal to that of other countries, there 
is no general working-class organization comparable to the English 
trade unions. Mutual benefit and co-operative societies serve the 
purpose of working-class defence or offence against the employers. 
In 1893, after many vicissitudes, the Italian Socialist Labour Party 
was founded, and has now become the Italian Socialist Party, in 
which the majority of Italian workmen enrol themselves. Printers 
and hat-makers, however, possess trade societies. In 1899 an agita- 
tion began for the organization of " Chambers of Labour, ' intended 
to look after the technical education of workmen and to form com- 
missions of arbitration in case of strikes. They act also as employ- 
ment bureaux, and are often centres of political propaganda. At 
present such " chambers " exist in many Italian cities, while "leagues 
of improvement,", or of " resistance," are rapidly spreading in the 
country districts. In many cases the action of these organizations has 
proved, at least temporarily, advantageous to the working classes. 

Labour legislation is backward in Italy, on account of the late 
development of manufacturing industry and of working-class 
organization. On the 17th of April 1898 a species of Employers' 
Liability Act compelled employers of more than five workmen in 
certain industries to insure their employees against accidents. 




On the 17th of July 1898 a national fund for the insurance of workmen 
against illness and old age was founded by law on the principle of 
optional registration. In addition to an initial endowment by the 
state, part of the annual income of the fund is furnished in various 
forms by the state (principally by making over a proportion of the 
profits of the Post Office Savings Bank), and part by the premiums 
of the workmen. The minimum annual premium is six lire for an 
annuity of one lira per day at the age of sixty, and insurance against 
sickness. The low level of wages in many trades and the jealousies 
of the " Chambers of Labour " and other working-class organizations 
impede rapid development. 

A law came into operation in February 1908, according to which 
a weekly day of rest (with few exceptions)was established on Sunday 
in every case in which it was possible, and otherwise upon some other 
day of the week. 

The French institution of Prudhommes was introduced into Italy 
in 1893, under the name of Collegi di Probiviri. The institution has 
not attained great vogue. Most of the colleges deal with matters 
affecting textile and mechanical industries. Each " college " is 
founded by royal decree, and consists of a president, with not fewer 
than ten and not more than twenty members. A conciliation 
bureau and a jury are elected to deal with disputes concerning wages, 
hours of work, labour contracts, &c, and have power to settle the 
disputes, without appeal, whenever the amounts involved do not 
exceed £8. 

Provident institutions have considerably developed in Italy 

under the forms of savings banks, assurance companies 

iastu -" an d mutual benefit societies. Besides the Post Office 

hobs. Savings Bank and the ordinary savings banks, many 

co-operative credit societies and ordinary credit banks 

receive deposits of savings. 

The greatest number of savings banks exists in Lombardy; 
Piedmont and Venetia come next. Campania holds the first place in 
the south, most of the savings of that region being deposited in the 
provident institutions of Naples. In Liguria and Sardinia the habit 
of thrift is less developed. Assurance societies in Italy are subject 
to the general dispositions of the commercial code regarding com- 
mercial companies. Mutual benefit societies have increased rapidly, 
both because their advantages have been appreciated, ftnd because, 
until recently, the state had taken no steps directly to insure work- 
men against illness. The present Italian mutual benefit societies 
resemble the ancient beneficent corporations, of which in some 
respects they may be considered a continuation. The societies 
require government recognition if they wish to enjoy legal rights. 
The state (law of the 15th of April 1896) imposed this condition in 
order to determine exactly the aims of the societies, and, while 
allowing them to give help to their sick, old or feeble members, or 
aid the families of deceased members, to forbid them to pay old-age 
pensions, lest they assumed burdens beyond their financial strength. 
Nevertheless, the majority of societies have not sought recognition, 
being suspicious of fiscal state intervention. 

Co-operation, for the various purposes of credit, distribution, 
production and labour, has attained great development in Italy. 

Credit co-operation is represented by a special type 
tion. ' °f association known as People's Banks (Banche 

Popolari). They are not, as a rule, supported by 
workmen or peasants, but rather by small tradespeople, manu- 
facturers and farmers. They perform a useful function in 
protecting their clients from the cruel usury which prevails, 
especially in the south. A recent form of co-operative credit 
banks are the Casse Rurali or rural banks, on the Raffeisen 
system, which lend money to peasants and small proprietors 
out of capital obtained on credit or by gift. These loans are 
made on personal security, but the members of the bank do 
not contribute any quota of the capital, though their liability 
is unlimited in case of loss. They are especially widespread in 
Lombardy and Venetia. 

Distributive co-operation is confined almost entirely to Piedmont, 
Liguria, Lombardy, Venetia, Emilia and Tuscany, and is practically 
unknown in Basilicata, the Abruzzi and Sardinia. 

Co-operative dairies are numerous. They have, however, much 
decreased in number since 1889. More numerous are the agricultural 
and viticultura! co-operative societies, which have largely increased in 
number. They are to be found mainly in the fertile plains of north 
Italy, where they enjoy considerable success, removing the cause of 
labour troubles and strikes, and providing for cultivation on a 
sufficiently large scale. The richest, however, of the co-operative 
societies, though few in number, are those for the production of 
electricity, for textile industries and for ceramic and glass manu- 

Co-operation in general is most widely diffused, in proportion to 
population, in central Italy; less so in northern Italy, and much 
less so in the south and the islands. It thus appears that co-operation 

flourishes most in the districts in which the mezzadria system has 
been prevalent. 

Railways. — The first railway in Italy, a line 16 m. long from Naples 
to Casteilammare, was opened in 1840. By 1881 there were some 
5500 m. open, in 1891 some 8000 m., while in 1901 the total length 
was 9317 m. In July 1905 all the principal lines, which had been 
constructed by the state, but had been since 1885 let out to three 
companies (Mediterranean, Adriatic, Sicilian), were taken over by 
the state; their length amounted in 1901 to 6147 m., and in 1907 
to 8422 m. The minor lines (many of them narrow gauge) remain in 
the hands of private companies. The total length, including the 
Sardinian railways, was 10,368 m. in 1907. The state, in taking over 
the railways, did not exercise sufficient care to see that the lines and 
the rolling stock were kept up to a proper state of efficiency and 
adequacy for the work they bad to perform; while the step itself 
was taken somewhat hastily. The result was that for the first two 
years of state administration the service was distinctly bad, and the 
lack of goods trucks at the ports was especially felt. A capital 
expenditure of £4,000,000 annually was decided on to bring the lines 
up to the necessary state of efficiency to be able to cope with the 
rapidly increasing traffic. It was estimated in 1906 that this would 
have to be maintained for a period of ten years, with a further total 
expenditure of £14,000,000 on new lines. 

Comparing the state of things in 190 1 with that of 1881, for the 
whole country, we find the passenger and goods traffic almost 
doubled (except the cattle traffic), the capital expenditure almost 
doubled, the working expenses per mile almost imperceptibly 
increased, and th'j gross receipts per mile slightly lower. The 
personnel had increased from 70,568 to 108,690. The construction 
of numerous unremunerative lines, and the free granting of con- 
cessions to government and other employees (and also of cheap 
tickets on special occasions for congresses, &c, in various towns, 
without strict inquiry into the qualifications of the claimants) will 
account for the failure to realize a higher profit. The fares (in slow 
trains, with the addition of 10 % for expenses) are : 1st class, 1 -85d. ; 
2nd, 1 -3d.; 3rd, o-725d. per mile. There are, however, considerable 
reductions for distances over 93 m., on a scale increasing in propor- 
tion to the distance. 

The taking over of the main lines by the state has of course 
produced a considerable change in the financial situation of the 
railways. The state incurred in this connexion a liability of some 
£20,000,000, of which about £16,000,000 represented the rolling 
stock. The state has considerably improved the engines and passenger 
carriages. The capital value of the whole of the lines, rolling stock, 
&c, for 1908-1909 was calculated approximately at £244,161,400, 
and the profits at £5,295,019, or 2-2%. 

Milan "is the most important railway centre in the country, and 
is followed by Turin, Genoa, Verona, Bologna, Rome, Naples. Lom- 
bardy and Piedmont are much better provided with railways in 
proportion to their area than any other parts of Italy; next come 
Venetia, Emilia and the immediate environs of Naples. 

The northern frontier is crossed by the railway from Turin to 
Ventimiglia by the Col di Tenda, the Mont Cenis line from Turin 
to Modane (the tunnel is 7 m. in length), the Simplon line (tunnel 
11 m. in length) from Domodossola to Brigue, the St Gotthard from 
Milan to Chiasso (the tunnel is entirely in Swiss territory), the 
Brenner from Verona to Trent, the line from Udine to Tarvis and 
the line from Venice to Triest by the Adriatic coast. Besides these 
international lines the most important are those from Milan to Turin 
(via Vercelli and via Alessandria), to Genoa via Tortona, to Bologna 
via Parma and Modena, to Verona, and the shorter lines to the 
district of the lakes of Lombardy; from Turin to Genoa via Savona 
and via Alessandria; from Genoa to Savona and Ventimiglia along 
the Riviera, and along the south-west coast of Italy, via Sarzana 
(whence a line runs to Parma) to Pisa (whence lines run to Pistoia 
and Florence) and Rome; from Verona to Modena, and to Venice 
via Padua; from Bologna to Padua, to Rimini (and thence along 
the north-east coast via Ancona, Casteilammare Adriatico and 
Foggia to Brindisi and Otranto), and to Florence and Rome; from 
Rome to Ancona, to Casteilammare Adriatico and to Naples; from 
Naples to Foggia, via Metaponto (with a junction for Reggio di 
Calabria), to Brindisi and to Reggio di Calabria. (For the Sicilian 
and Sardinian lines, see Sicily and Sardinia.) The speed of the 
trains is not high, nor are the runs without stoppage long as a rule. 
One of the fastest runs is from Rome to Orte, 52-40 m. in 69 min., 
or 45-40 m. per hour, but this is a double line with little traffic. 
The low speed reduces the potentiality of the lines. The insufficiency 
of rolling stock, and especially of goods wagons, is mainly caused 
by delays in " handling " traffic consequent on this or other causes, 
among which may be mentioned the great length of the single lines 
south of Rome. It is thus a matter of difficulty to provide trucks 
for a sudden emergency, e.g. the vintage season; and in 1905-1907 
complaints were many ,» while the seaports were continually short of 
trucks. This led to deficiencies in the supply of coal to the manu- 
facturing centres, and to some diversion elsewhere of shipping. 

Steam and Electric Tramways. — Tramways with mechanical 
traction have developed rapidly. Between 1875, when the first line 
was opened, and 1901, the length of the lines grew to 1890 m. of 
steam and 270 m. of electric tramways. These lines exist principally 
in Lombardy (especially in the province of Milan), in Piedmont, 




especially in the province of Turin, and in other regions of northern 
and central Italy. In the south they are rare, on account partly of 
the mountainous character of the country, and partly of the scarcity 
of traffic. All the important towns of. Italy are provided with internal 
electric tramways, mostly with overhead wires. 

Carriage-roads have been greatly extended in modern times, 
although their ratio to area varies in different localities. In north 
Italy there are 1480 yds. of road per sq. m.; in central Italy 993; 
in southern Italy 405; in Sardinia 596, and in Sicily only 244. 
They are as a rule well kept up in north and central Italy, less so in 
the south, where, especially in Calabria, many villages are inac- 
cessible by road and have only footpaths leading to them. By the 
act of 1903 the state contributes half and the province a quarter of 
the cost of roads connecting communes with the nearest railway 
stations or landing places. 

Inland Navigation. — Navigable canals had in 1886 a total length of 
about 655 m. ; they are principally situated in Piedmont, Lombardy 
and Venetia, and are thus practically confined to the Po basin. 
Canals lead from Milan to the Ticino, Adda and Po. The Po is itself 
navigable from Turin downwards, but through its delta it is so sandy 
that canals are preferred, the Po di Volano i*nd the Po di Primaro on 
the right, and the Canale Bianco on the left. The total length of 
navigable rivers is 967 m. 

Posts, Telegraphs and Telephones. — The number of post offices 
(including collettorie, or collecting offices, which are rapidly being 
eliminated) increased from 2200 in 1862 to 4823 in 1881, 6700 in 1891 
and 8817 in 1904. In spite of a large increase in the number of 
letters and post cards (i.e. nearly 10 per inhabitant per annum in 
1904, as against 5-65 in 1888) the average is considerably below 
that of most other European countries. The number of state tele- 
graph offices was 4603, of other offices (railway and tramway stations, 
which accept private telegrams for transmission) 1930. The 
telephone system is considerably developed; in 1904, 92 urban and 
66 inter - urban systems existed. They were installed by private 
companies, but have been taken over by the state. International 
communication between Rome and Paris, and Italy and Switzerland 
also exists. The parcel post and money order services hav* largely 
increased since 1 887-1 888, the number of parcels having almost 
doubled (those for abroad are more than trebled), while the number 
of money orders issued is trebled and their value doubled (about 
£40,000,000). The value of the foreign orders paid in Italy increased 
from £1,280,000 to £2,356,000 — owing to the increase of emigration 
and of the savings sent home by emigrants. 

At the end of 1907 Italy was among the few countries that had not 
adopted the reduction of postage sanctioned at the Postal Union 
congress, held in Rome in 1906, by which the rates became 2^d. for 
the first oz., and ijd. per oz. afterwards. The internal rate is 15c. 
(ijd.) per j oz. ; post-cards 10c. (id.), reply 15c. On the other hand, 
letters within the postal district are only 5c. (|d.) per \ oz. Printed 
matter is 2c. (Jd.) per 50 grammes (if oz.). The regulations provide 
that if there is a greater weight of correspondence (including book- 
packets) than ij lb for any individual by any one delivery, notice 
shall be given him that it is lying at the post office, he being then 
obliged to arrange for fetching it. Letters insured for a fixed sum 
are not delivered under any circumstances. 

Money order cards are very convenient and cheap (up to 10 lire 
[8s.] for 10c. [id.]), as they need not be enclosed in a letter, while a 
short private message can be written on them. Owing to the com- 
oaratively small amount of letters, it is found possible to have a 
travelling post office on all principal trains (while almost every train 
has a travelling sorter, for whom a compartment is reserved) without 
a late fee being exacted in either case. In the principal towns letters 
may be posted in special boxes at the head office just before the 
departure of any given mail train, and are conveyed direct to the 
travelling post office. Another convenient arrangement is the 
provision of letter-boxes on electric tramcars in some cities. 

Mercantile Marine. — Between the years 1881 and 1905 the number 
of ships entered and cleared at Italian ports decreased slightly 
(219,598 in 1881 and 208,737 in 1905), while their aggregate tonnage 
increased (32,070,704 in 1881 and 80,782,030 in 1905). In the move- 
ment of shipping, trade with foreign countries prevails (especially as 
regards arrivals) over trade between Italian ports. Most of the 
merchandise and passengers bound for and hailing from foreign ports 
sail under foreign flags. Similarly, foreign vessels prevail over 
Italian vessels in regard to goods embarked. European countries 
absorb the greater part of Italian sea-borne trade, whereas most of 
the passenger traffic goes to North and South America. The substi- 
tution of steamships for sailing vessels has brought about a diminu- 
tion in the number of vessels belonging to the Italian mercantile 
marine, whether employed in the coasting trade, the fisheries or in 
traffic on the high seas. Thus : — 


No. of 


Sailing Vessels. 






1 1881 
i 1905 






Among the steamers the increase has chiefly taken place in vessels 
of more than 1000 tons displacement, but the number of large sailing 
vessels has also increased. The most important Italian ports are 
(in order) : Genoa, Naples, Palermo, Leghorn, Messina, Venice, 

Foreign Trade. — Italian trade with foreign countries (imports and 
exports) during the quinquennium 1872-1876 averaged £94,000,000 
a year; in the quinquennium 1 893-1 897 it fell to £88,960,000 a year. 
In 1898, however, the total rose to £104,680,000, but the increase 
was principally due to the extra importation of corn in that year. 
In 1899 it was nearly £120,000,000. Since 1899 there has been a 
steady increase both in imports and exports. Thus : — 


Trade with Foreign Countries in £1000 
(exclusive of Precious Metals). 1 




Excess of 

Imports over 













1 No account has here been taken of fluctuations of exchange. 

The great extension of Italian coast-line is thought by some to be 
not really a source of strength to the Italian mercantile marine, as 
few of the ports have a large enough hinterland to provide them with 
traffic, and in this hinterland (except in the basin of the Po) there are 
no canals or navigable rivers. Another source of weakness is the fact 
that Italy is a country of transit and the Italian mercantile marine 
has to enter into competition with the ships of other countries, which 
call there in passing. A third difficulty is the comparatively small 
tonnage and volume of Italian exports relatively to the imports, 
the former in 1907 being about one-fourth of the latter, and greatly 
out of proportion to the relative value; while a fourth is the lack 
of facilities for handling goods, especially in the smaller ports. 

The total imports for the first six months of 1907 amounted to 
£57,840,000, an increase of £7,520,000 as compared with the corre- 
sponding period of 1906. The exports for the corresponding period 
amounted to £35,840,000, a diminution of £1,520,000 as compared 
with the corresponding period of 1906. The diminution was due to a 
smaller exportation of raw silk and oil. The countries with which this 
trade is mainly carried on are : (imports) United Kingdom, Germany, 
United States, France, Russia and India; (exports) Switzerland, 
United States, Germany, France, United Kingdom and Argentina. 

The most important imports are minerals, including coal and 
metals (both in pig and wrought) ; silks, raw, spun and woven ; 
stone, potter's earths, earthenware and glass; corn, flour and 
farinaceous products; cotton, raw, spun and woven ; and live stock. 
The principal exports are silk and cotton tissues, live stock, wines, 
spirits and oils; corn, flour, macaroni and similar products; and 
minerals, chiefly sulphur. Before the tariff reform of 1887 manu- 
factured articles, alimentary products and raw materials for manu- 
facture held the principal places in the imports. In the exports, 
alimentary products came first, while raw materials for manufacture 
and manufactured articles were of little account. The transforma- 
tion of Italy from a purely agricultural into a largely industrial 
country is shown by the circumstance that trade in raw stuffs, semi- 
manufactured and manufactured materials, now preponderates over 
that in alimentary products and wholly-manufactured articles, both 
the importation of raw materials and the exportation of manufactured 
articles having increased. The balance of Italian trade has under- 
gone frequent fluctuations. The large predominance of imports 
over exports after 1884 was a result of the falling off of the export 
trade in live stock, olive oil and wine, on account of the closing of 
the French market, while the importation of corn from Russia and 
the Balkan States increased considerably. In 1894 the excess of 
imports over exports fell to £2,720,000, but by 1898 it had grown 
to £8,391,000, in consequence chiefly of the increased importation of 
coal, raw cotton and cotton thread, pig and cast iron, old iron, 
grease and oil-seeds for use in Italian industries. In 1899 the excess 
of imports over exports fell to £3,006,000; but since then it has never 
been less than £12,000,000. 

Education. — Public instruction in Italy is regulated by the 
state, which maintains public schools of every grade, and 
requires that other public schools shall conform to the rules of 
the state schools. No private person may open a school without 
state authorization. Schools may be classed thus: — 

1. Elementary, of two grades, of the lower of which there 
must legally be at least one for boys and one for girls in each 
commune; while the upper grade elementary school is required 
in communes having normal and secondary schools or over 
4000 inhabitants. In both the instruction is free They are 
maintained by the communes, sometimes with state help. 




The age limit is six to nine years for the lower grade, and up 
to twelve for the higher grade, attendance being obligatory at 
the latter also where it exists. 2. Secondary instruction (i.) 
classical in the ginnasi and licet, the latter leading to the 
universities; (ii.) technical. 3. Higher education — universities, 
higher institutes and special schools. 

Of the secondary and higher educatory methods, in the normal 
schools and licei the state provides for the payment of the staff 
and for scientific material, and often largely supports the ginnasi 
and technical schools, which should by law be supported by the 
communes. The universities are maintained by the state and 
by their own ancient resources; while the higher special schools 
are maintained conjointly by the state, the province, the com- 
mune and (sometimes) the local chamber of commerce. 

The number of persons unable to read and write has gradually 
decreased, both absolutely and in proportion to the number of 
inhabitants. The census of 1871 gave 73% of illiterates, that 
of 1881, 67%, and that of 1901, 56%, i.e. 51-8 for males and 6o-8 
for females. In Piedmont there were 17-7% of illiterates above 
six years (the lowest) and in Calabria 78-7% (the highest), 
the figures for the whole country being 48-5. As might be 
expected, progress has been most rapid wherever education, at 
the moment of national unification, was most widely diffused. 
For instance, the number of bridegrooms unable to write their 
names in 1872 was in the province of Turin 26%, and in the 
Calabrian province of Cosenza 90%; in 1899 the percentage in 
the province of Turin had fallen to 5 %, while in that of Cosenza 
it was still 76%. Infant asylums (where the first rudiments of 
instruction are imparted to children between two and a half and 
six years of age) and elementary schools have increased in 
number. There has been a corresponding increase in the number 
of scholars. Thus: — 


Infant Asylums 
(Public and Private). 

Daily Elementary Schools 
(Public and Private). 

Number of 

Number of 

Number of 

Number of 







greatest increase has taken place in technical education, where it has 
been much more rapid than in classical education. There are three 
higher commercial schools, with academic rank, at Venice, Genoa 
and Bari, and eleven secondary commercial schools; and technical 
and commercial schools for women at Florence and Milan. The 
number of agricultural schools has also grown, although the total 
is relatively small when compared with population. The attendance 
at the various classes of secondary schools in 1882 and 1902 is shown 
by the following table : — 

The teachers in 1901-1902 numbered 65,739 (exclusive of 576 
non-teaching directors and 322 teachers of special subjects) or 
about 41-5 scholars per teacher. 

The rate of increase in the public state-supported schools has been 
much greater than in the private schools. School buildings have 
been improved and the qualifications of teachers raised. Neverthe- 
less, many schools are still defective, both from a hygienic and a 
teaching point of view; while the economic position of the ele- 
mentary teachers, who in Italy depend upon the communal admini- 
strations and not upon the state, is still in many parts of the country 
extremely low. 

The law of 1877 rendering education compulsory for children 
between six and nine years of age has been the principal cause of the 
spread of elementary education. The law is, however, imperfectly 
enforced for financial reasons. In 1901-1902 only 65 % out of the 
whole number of children between six and nine years of age were 
registered in the lower standards of the elementary and private 
schools. The evening schools have to some extent helped to spread 
education. Their number and that of their scholars have, however, 
decreased since the withdrawal of state subsidies. In 1871-1872 
there were 375,947 scholars at the evening schools and 154,585 at 
the holiday schools, while in 1900-1901 these numbers had fallen 
to 94,510 and 35,460 respectively. These are, however, the only 
institutions in which a decrease is shown, and by the law of 1906 
5000 of these institutions are to be provided in the communes where 
the proportion of illiterates is highest. In 1895 they numbered 4245, 
with 138,181 scholars. Regimental schools impart elementary 
education to illiterate soldiers. Whereas the levy of 1894 showed 
40% of the recruits to be completely illiterate, only 27% were 
illiterate when the levy was discharged in 1897. Private institutions 
and working-class associations have striven to improve the intel- 
lectual conditions of the working classes. Popular universities have 
lately attained considerable development. The number of institutes 
devoted to secondary education remained almost unchanged between 
1880-1881 and 1895-1896. In some places the number has even been 
diminished by the suppression of private educational institutes. 
But the number of scholars has considerably increased, and shows 
a ratio superior to the general increase of the population. The 



No. of 

Ginnasi — 


On an equal footing with govern- 
ment schools 

Not on such a footing .... 

Total . . . 

Technical schools — ■ 

On an equal footing .... 
Not on such a footing .... 

Total . . . 

Licei — 

On an equal footing .... 
Not on such a footing .... 

Total . . . 

Technical institutes — 

On an equal footing .... 
Not on such a footing. 

Total . . . 

Nautical institutes — 

On an equal footing .... 
Not on such a footing .... 

Total . . . 











3.623 1 



I06 1 

























29 1 





1 1896. 

The schools which do not obtain equality with government schools 
are either some of those conducted by religious orders, or else those 
in which a sufficient standard is not reached. The total number of 
such schools was, in 1896, 742 with 33,813 pupils. 

The pupils of the secondary schools reach a maximum of 6-6o per 
1000 in Liguria and 5-92 in Latium, and a minimum of 2-30 in the 
Abruzzi, 2-27 in Calabria and 1-65 in Basilicata. 

For the boarding schools, or convitti, there are only incomplete 
reports except for the institutions directly dependent on the ministry 
of public instruction, which are comparatively few. The rest are 
largely directed by religious institutions. In 1 895-1 896 there were 
919 convitti for boys, with 59,066 pupils, of which 40, with 3814 
pupils, were dependent on the ministry (in 1901-1902 there were 43 of 
these with 4036 pupils) ; and 1456 for girls, with 49,367 pupils, of which 
only 8, with about 600 pupils, were dependent on the ministry. 

The scuole normali or training schools (117 in number, of which 75 
were government institutions) for teachers had 1329 male students in 
1901-1902, showing hardly any increase, while the female students 
increased from 8005 in 1882-1883 to 22,316 in 1895-1896, but 
decreased to 19,044 in 1901-1902, owing to the admission of women 
to telegraph and telephone work. The female secondary schools in 
1881-1882 numbered 77, of which 7 were government institutions, 
with 3569 pupils; in 1901-1902 there were 233 schools (9 govern- 
mental) with 9347 pupils. 

The total attendance of students in the various faculties at the 
different universities and higher institutes is as follows : — 




Philosophy and letters 
Medicine and surgery 
Professional diploma, pharmacy 
Mathematics and natural science 











. 3.290 










Thus a large all-round increase in secondary and higher education 
is shown — satisfactory in many respects, but showing that more 
young men devote themselves to the learned professions (especially 
to the law) than the economic condition of the country will justify. 
There are 21 universities— Bologna, Cagliari, Camerino, Catania, 
Ferrara,Genoa,Macerata, Messina, Modena, Naples, Padua, Palermo, 
Parma, Pavia, Perugia, Pisa, Rome, Sassari, Siena, Turin, Urbino, 
of which Camerino, Ferrara, Perugia and Urbino are not state 
institutions; university courses are also given at Aquila, Bari and 
Catanzaro. Of these the most frequented in 1 904-1 905 were: Naples 
(4745). Turin (3451), Rome (2630), Bologna (171 1), Pavia (1559), 
Padua (1364), Genoa (1276), and the least frequented, Cagliari (254), 
Siena (235) and Sassari (200). The professors are ordinary and 
extraordinary, and free professors (liberi docenti), corresponding to 
the German Privatdozenten, are also allowed to be attached to the 

The institutions which co-operate with the universities are the 
special schools for engineers at Turin, Naples, Rome and Bologna 
(and others attached to some of the universities), the higher technical 
institute at Milan, the higher veterinary schools of Milan, Naples 
and Turin, the institute for higher studies at Florence {Istituto di 
studi superiori, pratici e di perfezionamento) , the literary and scientific 
academy of Milan, the higher institutes for the training of female 
teachers at Florence and Rome, the Institute of Social Studies at 
Florence, the higher commercial schools at Venice, Bari and Genoa, 
the commercial university founded by L. Bocconi at Milan in 1902, 
the higher naval school at Genoa, the higher schools of agriculture 
at Milan and Portici, the experimental institute at Perugia, the 
school of forestry at Vallambrosa, the industrial museum at Turin. 
The special secondary institutions, distinct from those already 
reckoned under the universities and allied schools, include an 
Oriental institute at Naples with 243 pupils; 34 schools of agriculture 
with (1904-1905) 1925 students; 2 schools of mining (at Caltanisetta 
and Iglesias) with (1904-1905) 83 students; 308 industrial and 
commercial schools with (1903-1904) 46,411 students; 174 schools 
of design and moulding with (1898) 12,556 students; 13 government 
fine art institutes (1904-1905) with 2778 students and 13 non- 
government with 1662 students; 5 government institutes of music 
with 1026 students, and 51 non-government with 4109 pupils (1904- 
1905). Almost all of these show a considerable increase. 

Libraries are numerous in Italy, those even of small cities 
being often rich in manuscripts and valuable works. Statistics 
collected in 1893-1894 and 1896 revealed the existence of 1831 
libraries, either private (but open to the public) or completely 
public. The public libraries have been enormously increased 
since 1870 by the incorporation of the treasures of suppressed 
monastic institutions. The richest in manuscripts is that of the 
Vatican, especially since the purchase of the Barberini Library in 
1902; it now contains over 34,000 MSS. The Vatican archives 
are also of great importance. Most large towns contain im- 
portant state or communal archives, in which a considerable 
amount of research is being done by local investigators; the 
various societies for local history [Societa di Storia Patria) do 
very good work and issue valuable publications; the treasures 
which the archives contain are by no means exhausted. Libraries 
and archives are under the superintendence of the Ministry of 
Public Instruction. A separate department of this ministry 
under a director-general has the charge of antiquities and fine 
arts, making archaeological excavations and supervising those 
undertaken by private persons (permission to foreigners, even 
to foreign schools, to excavate in Italy is rarely granted), and 
maintaining the numerous state museums and picture galleries. 
The exportation of works of art and antiquities from Italy without 
leave of the ministry is forbidden (though it has in the past 
been sometimes evaded). An inventory of those subjects, the 
exportation of which can in no case be permitted, has been 
prepared; and the ministry has at its disposal a fund of £200,000 
for the purchase of important works of art of all kinds. 

Charities. — In Italy there is no legal right in the poor to be 
supported by the parish or commune, nor any obligation on the 
commune to relieve the poor — except in the case of forsaken 
children and the sick poor. Public charity is exercised through 
the permanent charitable foundations {opere pie), which are, 
however, very unequally distributed in the different provinces. 
The districts of Italy which show between 1881 and 1903 the 
greatest increase of new institutions, or of gifts to old ones, are 
Lombardy, Piedmont, Liguria, while Sardinia, Calabria and 
Basilicata stand lowest, Latium standing comparatively low. 

The patrimony of Italian charitable institutions is considerable 
and is constantly increasing. In 1880 the number of charitable 

institutions (exclusive of public pawnshops, or Monti di Pieta, and 
other institutions which combine operations of credit with charity) 
was approximately 22,000, with an aggregate patrimony of nearly 
£80,000,000. The revenue was about £3,600,000; after deduction of 
taxes, interest on debts, expenses of management, &c, £2,080,000. 
Adding to this £1,240,000 of communal and provincial subsidies, 
the product of the labour of inmates, temporary subscriptions, &c, 
the net revenue available for charity was, during 1880, £3,860,000. 
Of this sum £260,000 was spent for religious purposes. Between 
1881 and 1905 the bequests to existing institutions and sums left for 
the endowment of new institutions amounted to about £16,604,600. 

Charitable institutions take, as a rule, the two forms of outdoor 
and indoor relief and attendance. The indoor institutions are the 
more important in regard to endowment, and consist of hospitals 
for the infirm (a number of these are situated at the seaside) ; of 
hospitals for chronic and incurable diseases ; of orphan asylums ; 
of poorhouses and shelters for beggars; of infant asylums or in- 
stitutes for the first education of children under six years of age ; 
of lunatic asylums ; of homes for the deaf and dumb ; and of 
institutes for the blind. The outdoor charitable institutions include 
those which distribute help in money or food; those which supply 
medicine and medical help ; those which aid mothers unable to rear 
their own children; those which subsidize orphans and foundlings; 
those which subsidize educational institutes ; and those which supply 
marriage portions. Between 1881 and 1898 the chief increases took 
place in the endowments of hospitals; orphan asylums; infant 
asylums; poorhouses; almshouses; voluntary workhouses', and 
institutes for the blind. The least creditably administered of these 
are the asylums for abandoned infants; in 1887, of a total of 23,913, 
53-77% died; while during the years 1893-1896 (no later statistics 
are available) of 117,970 51-72% died. The average mortality 
under one year for the whole of Italy in 1893-1896 was only 16-66 % 

Italian charity legislation was reformed by the laws of 1862 and 
1890, which attempted to provide efficacious protection for endow- 
ments, and to ensure the application of the income to the purposes 
for which it was intended. The law considers as " charitable in- 
stitutions " {opere pie) all poorhouses, almshouses and institutes 
which partly or wholly give help to able-bodied or infirm paupers, 
or seek to improve their moral and economic condition ; and also the 
Congregazioni di caritd (municipal charity boards existing in every 
commune, and composed of members elected by the municipal 
council), which administer funds destined for the poor in general. All 
charitable institutions were under the protection of provincial adminis- 
trative junta, existing in every province, and empowered to control the 
management of charitable endowments. The supreme control was 
vested in the minister of the Interior. The law of 1890 also empowers 
every citizen to appeal to the tribunals on behalf of the poor, for 
whose benefit a given charitable institution may have been intended. 
A more recent law provides for the formation of a central body, 
with provincial commissions under it. Its effect, however, has been 
comparatively small. 

Public pawnshops or Monti di pietd, numbered 555 in 1896, 
with a net patrimony of £2,879,625. In that year their income, 
including revenue from capital, was £416,385, and their expenditure 
£300,232. The amount lent on security was £4,153,229. 

The Monti frumentarii or co-operative corn deposits, which lend 
seed corn to farmers, and are repaid after harvest with interest in 
kind, numbered 1615 in 1894, and possessed a patrimony of £240,000. 

In addition to the regular charitable institutions, the communal 
and provincial authorities exercise charity, the former (in 1899) to the 
extent of £1,827,166 and the latter to the extent of £919,832 per 
annum. Part of these sums is given to hospitals, and part spent 
directly by the communal and provincial authorities. Of the sum 
spent by the communes, about \ goes for the sanitary service (doctors, 
midwives, vaccination), -| for the maintenance of foundlings, 
1*5 for the support of the sick in hospitals, and -fa for sheltering 
the aged and needy. Of the sum spent by the provincial authorities, 
over half goes to lunatic asylums and over a quarter to the mainten- 
ance of foundling hospitals. 

Religion. — The great majority of Italians — 97-12% — are 
Roman Catholics. Besides the ordinary Latin rite, several 
others are recognized. The Armenians of Venice maintain their 
traditional characteristics. The Albanians of the southern 
provinces still employ the Greek rite and the Greek language 
in their public worship, and their priests, like those of the Greek 
Church, are allowed to marry. Certain peculiarities introduced 
by St Ambrose distinguish the ritual of Milan from that of the 
general church. Up to 187 1 the island of Sicily was, according 
to the bull of Urban II., ecclesiastically dependent on the king, 
and exempt from the canonical power of the pope. 

Though the territorial authority of the papal see was practically 
abolished in 1870, the fact that Rome is the seat of the admini- 
strative centre of the vast organization of the church is not 
without significance to the nation. In the same city in which 
the administrative functions of the body politic are centralized 




there still exists the court of the spiritual potentate which in 
1879 consisted of 1821 persons. Protestants number some 
65,000, of whom half are Italian and half foreign. Of the former 
22,500 are Waldensians. The number of Jews was returned 
as 36,000, but is certainly higher. There are, besides, in Italy 
some 2500 members of the Greek Orthodox Church. There 
were in 1001 20,707 parishes in Italy, 68,444 secular clergy and 
48,043 regulars (monks, lay brothers and nuns). The size of 
parishes varies from province to province, Sicily having larger 
parishes in virtue of the old Sicilian church laws, and Naples, 
and some parts of central Italy, having the smallest. The 
Italian parishes had in 1901 a total gross revenue, including 
assignments from the public worship endowment fund, of 
£1,280,000 or an average of £63 per parish; 51% of this gross 
sum consists of revenue from glebe lands. 

The kingdom is divided into 264 sees and ten abbeys, or prelatures 
nullius dioceseos. The dioceses are as follows : — 

A. 6 suburbicarian sees — Ostia and Velletri, Porto and Sta Rufina, 
Albano, Frascati, Palestrina, Sabina — all held by cardinal bishops. 

B. 74 sees immediately subject to the Holy See, of which 12 are 
archiepiscopal and 61 episcopal. 

C. 37 ecclesiastical provinces, each under a metropolitan, com- 
posed of 148 suffragan dioceses. Their position is indicated in the 
following table : — 

Metropolitans. Suffragans. 

Acerenza-Matera . . . Anglona-Tursi, Tricarico, Venosa. 

Bari Conversano, Ruvo-Bitonto. 

Benevento . . . . S. Agata de' Goti, Alife, Ariano, Ascoli 

Satriano Cerignola, Avellino, Bojano, 
Bovino, Larino, Lucera, S. Severo, 
Telese (Cerreto), Termoli. 

Bologna Faenza, Imola. 

Brindisi and Ostuni . . No suffragan. 

Cagliari Galtelli-Nuoro, Iglesias, Ogliastra. 

Capua Caiazzo, Calvi-Teano, Caserta, Isernia- 

Venafro, Sessa. 
Chieti and Vasto . . . No suffragan. 

Conza and Campagna . S. Angelfj de' Lombardi-Bisaccia, Lace- 

donia, Muro Lucano. 

Ferrao Macerata-Tolentino, Montalto, Ripatran- 

sone, S. Severino. 

Florence Borgo S. Sepolcro, Colle di Val d'Elsa, 

Fiesole, S. Miniato, Modigliana, Pistoia- 

Genoa Albenga, Bobbio, Chiavari, Savona-Noli, 

Tortona, Ventimiglia. 
Lanciano and Ortona . No suffragan. 
Manfredonia and Viesti . No suffragan. 

Messina Lipari, Nicosia, Patti. 

Milan Bergamo, Brescia, Como, Crema, 

Cremona, Lodi, Mantua, Pavia. 

Modena Carpi, Guastalla, Massa-Carrara, Reggio. 

Monreale Caltanisetta, Girgenti. 

Naples Acerra, Ischia, Nola, Pozzuoli. 

Oristano Ales-Terralba. 

Otranto Gallipoli, Lecce, Ugento. 

Palermo Cefalu, Mazzara, Trapani. 

Pisa Leghorn, Pescia, Pontremoli, Volterra. 

Ravenna Bertinoro, Cervia, Cesena, Comacchio, 

Forli, Rimini, Sarsina. 
Reggio Calabria . . . Bova, Cassano, Catanzaro, Cotrone, 
Gerace, Nicastro, Oppido, Nicotera- 
Tropea, Squillace. 

Salerno Acerno, Capaccio-Vallo, Diano, Marsico- 

Nuovo and Potenza, Nocera dei 
Pagani, Nusco, Policastro. 

Sassari Alghero, Ampurias and Tempio, Bisarhio, 

S. Severino .... Cariati. 

Siena Chiusi-Pienza,Grosseto,MassaMarittima, 


Syracuse Caltagirone, Noto, Piazza-Armerina. 

Sorrento Castellammare. 

Taranto Castellaneta, Oria. 


Bisceglie .... Andria. 

Turin Acqui, Alba, Aosta, Asti, Cuneo, Fossano, 

Ivrea, Mondovi.Pinerolo, Saluzzo.Susa. 

Urbino S. Angelo in Vado-Urbania, Cagli- Pergola, 

Fossombrone, Montefeltro, Pesaro, 
Venice (patriarch) . . Adria, Belluno-Feltre, Ceneda (Vittorio), 

Chioggia, Concordia-Portogruaro, 

Padua, Treviso, Verona, Vicenza. 

Vercelli Alessandria della Paglia, Biella, Casale, 

Monferrato, Novara, Vigevano. 

Twelve archbishops and sixty-one bishops are independent of all 
metropolitan supervision, and hold directly of the Holy See. The 
archbishops are those of Amain, Aquila, Camerino and Treia, 
Catania, Cosenza, Ferrara, Gaeta, Lucca, Perugia, Rossano, Spoleto, 
and Udine, and the bishops those of Acireale, Acquapendente, Alatri, 
Amelia, Anagni, Ancona-Umana, Aquino-Sora-Pontecorvo, Arezzo, 
Ascoli, Assisi, Aversa, Bagnorea, Borgo San Donnino, Cava-Sarno, 
Citta di Castello, Citta della Pieve, Civita Castellana-Orte-Gallese, 
Corneto-Civita Vecchia; Cortona, Fabriano-Matelica, Fano,Ferentino 
Foggia, Foligno, Gravina-Montepeloso, Gubbio, Jesi, Luni-Sarzana 
and Bragnato, S. Marco-Bisignano, Marsi (Pescina), Melfi-Rapolla 
fiascone, Montepulciano, Nardo, Narni, Nocera in Umbria, Norcia, 
Orvieto, Osimo-Cingoli, Parma, Penne-Atri, Piacenza, Poggio 
Mirteto, Recanati-Loreto, Rieti, Segni, Sutri-Nepi, Teramo, Terni, 
Terracina-Piperno-Sezze, Tivoli, Todi, Trivento, Troia, Valva- 
Sulmona, Veroli, Viterbo-Toscanella. Excluding the diocese of 
Rome and suburbicarian sees, each see has an average area of 
430 sq. m. and a population of 121,285 souls. The largest sees exist 
in Venetia and Lombardy, and the smallest in the provinces of 
Naples, Leghorn, Forli, Ancona, Pesaro, Urbino, Caserta, Avellino 
and Ascoli. The Italian sees (exclusive of Rome and of the suburbi- 
carian sees) have a total annual revenue of £206,000 equal to an 
average of £800 per see. The richest is that of Girgenti, with £6304, 
and the poorest that of Porto Maurizio, with only £246. In each 
diocese is ^ seminary or diocesan school. 

In 1855 an act was passed in the Sardinian states for the dis- 
establishment of all houses of the religious orders not engaged in 
preaching, teaching or the care of the sick, of all chapters „ „ . 
of collegiate churches not having a cure of souls or existing p *"?"/ 
in towns of less than 20,000 inhabitants, and of all private tu!ns "' 
benefices for which no service was paid by the holders. 
The property and money thus obtained were used to form an ecclesi- 
astical fund (Cassa Ecclesiastica) distinct from the finances of the 
state. This act resulted in the suppression of 274 monasteries with 
3733 friars, of 61 nunneries with 1756 nuns and of 2722 chapters and 
benefices. In i860 and 1861 the royal commissioners (even before 
the constitution of the new kingdom of Italy had been formally 
declared) issued decrees by which there were abolished — (1) in 
Umbria, 197 monasteries and 102 convents with 1809 male and 
2 393 female associates, and 836 chapters or benefices; (2) in the 
Marches, 292 monasteries and 127 convents with 2950 male and 
2728 female associates ; (3) in the Neapolitan provinces, 747 monas- 
teries and 275 convents with 8787 male and 7493 female associates. 
There were thus disestablished in seven or eight years 2075 houses 
of the regular clergy occupied by 31,649 persons; and the confiscated 
property yielded a revenue of £398,298. And at the same time there 
had been suppressed 11,889 chapters and benefices of the secular 
clergy, which yielded an annual income of £199,149. The value of 
the capital thus potentially freed was estimated at £12,000,000; 
though hitherto the ecclesiastical possessions in Lombardy, Emilia, 
Tuscany and Sicily had been untouched. As yet the Cassa Ecclesi- 
astica had no right to dispose of the property thus entrusted to it ; 
but in 1862 an act was passed by which it transferred all its real 
property to the national domain, and was credited with a corre- 
sponding amount by the exchequer. The property could now be 
disposed of like the other property of the domain; and except in 
Sicily, where the system of emphyteusis was adopted, the church 
lands began to be sold by auction. To encourage the poorer classes 
of the people to become landholders, it was decided that the lots 
offered for sale should be small, and that the purchaser should be 
allowed to pay by five or ten yearly instalments. By a new act in 
1866 the process of secularization was extended to the whole kingdom. 
All the members of the suppressed communities received full exercise 
of all the ordinary political and civil rights of laymen ; and annuities 
were granted to all those who had taken permanent religious vows 
prior to the 18th of January 1864. To priests and choristers, for 
example, of the proprietary or endowed orders were assigned £24 per 
annum if they were upwards of sixty years of age, £16 if upwards of 
40, and £14, 8s. if younger. The Cassa Ecclesiastica was abolished, 
and in its stead was instituted a Fondo pel Culto, or public worship 
fund. From the general confiscation were exempted the buildings 
actually used for public worship, as episcopal residences or seminaries, 
&c, or which had been appropriated to the use of schools, poorhouses, 
hospitals, &c. ; as well as the buildings, appurtenances, and movable 
property of the abbeys of Monte Casino, Delia Cava dei Tirreni, San 
Martino della Scala, Monreale, Certosa near Pavia, and other estab- 
lishments of the same kind of importance as architectural or historical 
monuments. An annuity equal to the ascertained revenue of the 
suppressed institutions was placed to the credit of the fund in the 
government 5 % consols. A fourth of this sum was to be handed 
to the communes to be employed on works of beneficence or education 
as soon as a surplus was obtained from that part of the annuity 
assigned for the payment of monastic pensions; and in Sicily, 
209 communes entered on their privileges as soon as the patrimony 
was liquidated. Another act in 1867 decreed the suppression of 
certain foundations which had escaped the action 'of previous 
measures, put an extraordinary tax of 30 % on the whole of the 
patrimony of the church, and granted the government the right of 
issuing 5 % bonds sufficient to bring into the treasury £16,000,000, 



J 9 

which were to be accepted at their nominal value as purchase money 
for the alienated property. The public worship endowment fund 
has relieved the state exchequer of the cost of public worship; has 
gradually furnished to the poorer parish priests an addition to 
their stipends, raising them to £32 per annum, with the prospect 
of further raising them to £40; and has contributed to the outlay 
incurred by the communes for religious purposes. The monastic 
buildings required for public purposes have been made over to the 
communal and provincial authorities, while the same authorities 
have been entrusted with the administration of the ecclesiastical 
revenues previously set apart for charity and education, and objects 
of art and historical interest have been consigned to public libraries 
and museums. By these laws the reception of novices was for- 
bidden in the existing conventual establishments the extinction of 
which had been decreed, and all new foundations were forbidden, 
except those engaged in instruction and the care of the sick. 
But the laws have not been rigorously enforced of late years; and 
the ecclesiastical possessions seized by the state were thrown on the 
market simultaneously, and so realized very low prices, being often 
bought up by wealthy religious institutions. The large number 
of these institutions was increased when these bodies were expelled 
from France. 

On the 30th of June 1903 the patrimony of the endowment fund 
amounted to £17,339,040, of which only £264,289 were represented 
by buildings still occupied by monks or nuns. The rest was made up 
of capital and interest. The liabilities of the fund (capitalized) 
amounted to £10,668,105, of which monastic pensions represented a 
rapidly diminishing sum of £2,564,930. The chief items of annual 
expenditure drawn from the fund are the supplementary stipends 
to priests and the pensions to members of suppressed religious houses. 
The number of persons in receipt of monastic pensions on the 30th 
of June 1899 was 13,255; but while this item of expenditure will 
disappear by the deaths of those entitled to pensions, the supple- 
mentary stipends and contributions are gradually increasing. The 
following table shows the course of the two main categories of the 
fund from 1876 to 1902-1903 : — 


1 885-1 886. 


1 902- 1 903. 

Monastic pensions, liquidation of re- 
ligious property and provision of 

Supplementary stipends to bishops and 
parochial clergy, assignments to Sar- 
dinian clergy and expenditure for edu- 
cation and charitable purposes 





Roman Charitable and Religious Fund. — The law of the 19th of 
June 1873 contained special provisions, in conformity with the 
character of Rome as the seat of the papacy, and with the situation 
created by the Law of Guarantees. According to the census of 1 87 1 
there were in the city and province of Rome 474 monastic establish- 
ments (311 for monks, 163 for nuns), occupied by 4326 monks and 
3825 nuns, and possessing a gross revenue of 4,780,891 lire. Of these, 
126 monasteries and 90 convents were situated in the city, 51 
monasteries and 22 convents in the " suburbicariates." The law of 
1873 created a special charitable and religious fund of the city, while 
it left untouched 23 monasteries and 49 convents which had either 
the character of private institutions or were supported by foreign 
funds. New parishes were created, old parishes were improved, the 
property of the suppressed religious corporations was assigned to 
charitable and educational institutions and to hospitals, while 
property having no special application was used to form a charitable 
and religious fund. On the 30th of June 1903 the balance-sheet of 
this fund showed a credit amounting to £1,796,120 and a debit of 
£460,819. Expenditure for the year 1902-1903 was £889,858 and 
revenue £818,674. 

Constitution and Government. — The -Vatican palace itself 
(with St Peter's), the Lateran palace, and the papal villa 
at Castel Gandolfo have secured to them the privilege of 
extraterritoriality by the law of 1871. The small republic of 
San Marino is the only other enclave in Italian territory. 
Italy is a constitutional monarchy, in which the executive 
power belongs exclusively to the sovereign, while the legislative 
power is shared by him with the parliament. He holds 
supreme command by land and sea, appoints ministers and 
officials, promulgates the laws, coins money, bestows honours, 
has the right of pardoning, and summons and dissolves the 
parliament. Treaties with foreign powers, however, must have 
the consent of parliament. The sovereign is irresponsible, the 
ministers, the signature of one- of whom is required to give 
validity to royal decrees, being responsible. Parliament consists 
of two chambers, the senate and the Chamber of Deputies, 
which are nominally on an equal footing, though practically 

the elective chamber is the more important. The senate consists 
of princes of the blood who have attained their majority, and 
of an unlimited number of senators above forty years of age, 
who are qualified under any one of twenty-one specified cate- 
gories — by having either held high office, or attained celebrity 
in science, literature, &c. In 1908 there were 318 senators 
exclusive of five members of the royal family. Nomination is 
by the king for life. Besides its legislative functions, the senate 
is the highest court of justice in the case of political offences or 
the impeachment of ministers. The deputies to the lower house 
are 508 in number, i.e. one to every 64,893 of the population, 
and all the constituencies are single-member constituencies. 
The party system is not really strong. The suffrage is extended 
to all citizens over twenty-one years of age who can read and 
write and have either attained a certain standard of elementary 
education or are qualified by paying a rent which varies from 
£6 in communes of 2500 inhabitants to £16 in communes of 
i5P,ooo inhabitants, or, if peasant farmers, 16s. of rent; or 
by being sharers in the profits of farms on which not less than 
£3, 4s. of direct (including provincial) taxation is paid; or by 
paying not less than £16 in direct (including provincial) taxation. 
Others, e.g. members of the professional classes, are qualified 
to vote by their position. The number of electors (2,541,327) 
at the general election in 1904 was 29% of the male population 
over twenty-one years of age, and 7-6% of the total population — 
exclusive of those temporarily disfranchised on account of 
military service; and of these 62-7% voted. No candidate 
can be returned unless he obtains more than half the votes given 
and more than one-sixth of the total number on the register; 
otherwise a second ballot must be 
held. Nor can he be returned under 
the age of thirty, and he must be 
qualified as an elector. All salaried 
government officials (except minis- 
ters, under-secretaries of state and 
other high functionaries, and officers 
in the army or navy), and ecclesiastics, 
are disqualified for election. Senators 
and deputies receive no salary but have free passes on 
railways throughout Italy and on certain lines of steamers. 
Parliaments are quinquennial, but the king may dissolve the 
Chamber of Deputies at any time, being bound, however, to 
convoke a new chamber within four months. The executive 
must call parliament together annually. Each of the chambers 
has the right of introducing new bills, as has also the government; 
but all money bills must originate in the Chamber of Deputies. 
The consent of both chambers and the assent of the king is 
necessary to their being passed. Ministers may attend the 
debates of either house but can only vote in that of which they 
are members. The sittings of both houses are public, and an 
absolute majority of the members must be present to make 
a sitting valid. The ministers are eleven in number and have 
salaries of about £1000 each; the presidency of the council of 
ministers (created in 1889) may be held by itself or (as is usual) 
in conjunction with any other portfolio. The ministries are : 
interior (under whom are the prefects of the several provinces), 
foreign affairs, treasury (separated from finance in 1889), finance, 
\ public works, justice and ecclesiastical affairs, war, marine, 
public instruction, commerce, industry and agriculture, posts 
and telegraphs (separated from public works in 1889). Each 
minister is aided by an under-secretary of state at a salary of 
£500. There is a council of state with advisory functions, which 
can also decide certain questions of administration, especially 
applications from local authorities and conflicts between 
ministries, and a court of accounts, which has the right of 
examining all details of state expenditure. In every country 
the bureaucracy is abused, with more or less reason, for un- 
progressiveness, timidity and " red-tape," and Italy is no 
exception to the rule. The officials are not well paid, and are 
certainly numerous; while the manifold checks and counter- 
checks have by no means always been sufficient to prevent 




Titles of Honour. — The former existence of so many separate 
sovereignties and " fountains of honour " gave rise to a great many 
hereditary titles of nobility. Besides many hundreds of princes, 
dukes, marquesses, counts, barons and viscounts, there are a large 
number of persons of " patrician " rank, persons with a right to the 
designation nobile or signori, and certain hereditary knights or 
cavalieri. In the " Golden Book of the Capitol " (Libro d'Oro del 
Campidoglio) are inscribed 321 patrician families, and of these 28 
have the title of prince and 8 that of duke, while the others are 
marquesses, counts or simply patricians. For the Italian orders of 
knighthood see Knighthood and Chivalry: Orders of Knighthood. 
The king's uncle is duke of Aosta, his son is prince of Piedmont and 
his cousin is duke of Genoa. 

Justice.— The judiciary system of Italy is mainly framed on the 
French model. Italy has courts of cassation at Rome, Naples, 
Palermo, Turin, Florence, 20 appeal court districts, 162 tribunal 
districts and 1535 mandamenti, each with its own magistracy 
(prelum) . In 13 of the principal towns there are also pretori who have 
exclusively penal jurisdiction. For minor civil cases involving sums 
up to 100 lire (£4), giudici conciliatori have also jurisdiction, while 
they may act as arbitrators up to any amount by request. The 
Roman court of cassation is the highest, and in both penal and civil 
matters has a right to decide questions of law and disputes between 
the lower judicial authorities, and is the only one which has juris- 
diction in penal cases, while sharing with the others the right to 
revise civil cases. 

The pretori have penal jurisdiction concerning all misdemeanours 
(contrayvenzioni) or offences (delitti) punishable by imprisonment not 
exceeding three months or by fine not exceeding 1000 lire (£40). 
The penal tribunals have jurisdiction in cases involving imprison- 
ment up to ten years, or a fine exceeding £40, while the assize courts, 
with a jury, deal with offences involving imprisonment for life or 
over ten years, and have exclusive jurisdiction (except that the 
senate is on occasion a high court of justice) over all political offences. 
Appeal may be made from the sentences of the pretori to the tribunals] 
and from the tribunals to the courts of appeal; from the assize 
courts there is no appeal except on a point of form, which appeal goes 
to the court of cassation at Rome. This court has the supreme 
power in all questions of legality of a sentence, jurisdiction or 

The penal code was unified and reformed in 1890. A reform of late 
years is the condanna condizionale, equivalent to the English " being 
bound over to appear for judgment if called upon," applied in 
94,489 cases in 1907. In civil matters there is appeal from the 
giudice conahatore to the pretore (who has jurisdiction up to a sum 
of 1500 lire = £60). from the pretore to the civil tribunal, from the 
civil tribunal to the court of appeal, and from the court of appeal to 
the court of cassation. 

The judges of all kinds are very poorly paid. Even the first 
president of the Rome court of cassation only receives £600 a year. 

The statistics of civil proceedings vary considerably from province 
to province. Lombardy, with 25 lawsuits per 1000 inhabitants, 
holds the lowest place; Emilia comes next with 31 per iooo- 
Tuscany has 39; Venetia, 42; Calabria, 144; Rome, 146; Apulia' 
'53; and Sardinia, 360 per 1000. The high average in Sardinia is 
chiefly due to cases within the competence of the conciliation offices 
I he number of penal proceedings, especially those within the com- 
petence of praetors, has also increased, chiefly on account of the 
frequency of minor contraventions of the law referred to in the 
section Crime. The ratio of criminal proceedings to population is 
as a rule, much higher in the south than in the north. 

A royal decree, dated February 1891, established three classes of 
prisons: judiciary prisons, for persons awaiting examination or 
persons sentenced to arrest, detention or seclusion for less than six 
months; penitentiaries of various kinds (ergastoli, case di reclusione 
detenztone or custodia), for criminals condemned to long terms of 
imprisonment; and reformatories, for criminals under age and 
vagabonds. Capital punishment was abolished in 1877 penal 
servitude for life being substituted. This generally involves solitary 
confinement of the most rigorous nature, and, as little is done to 
occupy the mind, the criminal not infrequently becomes insane. 
Certain types of dangerous individuals are relegated after serving a 
sentence in the ordinary convict prisons, and by administrative, not 
by judicial process, to special penal colonies known as domicilii coatti 
or forced residences. ' These establishments are, however, un- 
satisfactory, being mostly situated on small islands, where it is often 
difficult to find work for the coatti, who are free by day, being only 
confined at night. They receive a small and hardly sufficient, 
allowance for food of 50 centesimi a day, which they are at liberty to 
supplement by work if they can find it or care to do it. 

Notwithstanding the construction of new prisons and the trans- 
formation of old ones, the number of cells for solitary confinement 
is still insufficient for a complete application of the penal system 
established by the code of 1890, and the moral effect of the associa- 
tion of the prisoners is not good, though the system of solitary con- 
finement as practised in Italy is little better. The total number of 
prisoners, including minors and inhabitants of enforced residences, 
which from 76,066 (2-84 per 1000 inhabitants) on the 31st of Decem- 
ber 1871 rose to a maximum of 80,792 on the 31st of December 1879 
(2-87 per 1000), decreased to a minimum of 60,621 in 1896 (1-94 per 

1000), and on the 31st of December 1898 rose again to 75,470 
(2-38 per 1000), of whom 7038, less than one-tenth, were women. 
The lowness of the figures regarding women is to be noticed 
throughout. On the 31st of December 1903 it had decreased to 
65,819, of which 6044 were women. Of these, 31,219 were in lock- 
ups, 25,145 in penal establishments, 1837 minors in government, 
and 4547 in private reformatories, and 3071 (males) were inmates 
of forced residences. 

Crime. — Statistics of offences, including contravoenzioni or breaches 
of by-laws and regulations, exhibit a considerable increase per 100,000 
inhabitants since 1887, and only a slight diminution on the figures of 
1897. The figure was 1783-45 per 100,000 in 1887, 2164-46 in 1892, 
2546-49 in 1897, 2 497-90 in 1902. The increase is partly covered by 
contravvenzioni, but almost every class of penal offence shows a rise 
except homicide, and even in that the diminution is slow, 5418 in 
1880, 3966 in 1887., 4408 in 1892, 4005 in 1897, 3202 in 1902; and 
Italy remains, owing to the frequent use of the knife, the European 
country in which it is most frequent. Libels, insults, &c, resistance 
to public authority, offences against good customs, thefts and frauds, 
have increased ; assaults are nearly stationary. There is also an 
increase in juvenile delinquency. From 1890 to 1900 the actual 
number rose by one-third (from 30,108 to 43,684), the proportion to 
the rest of those sentenced from one-fifth to one-fourth; while in 
1905 the actual number rose to 67,944, being a considerable pro- 
portionate rise also. In Naples, the Camorra and in Sicily, the Mafia 
are secret societies whose power of resistance to authority is still 
not inconsiderable. 

"Procedure, both civil and criminal, is somewhat slow, and the pre- 
liminary proceedings before the juge a" instruction occupy much time; 
and recent murder trials, by the large number of witnesses called 
(including experts) and the lengthy speeches of counsel, have been 
dragged out to an unconscionable length. In this, as in the inter- 
vention of the presiding judge, the French system has been adopted; 
and it is said {e.g. by Nathan, Vent' anni di vita italiana, p. 241) 
that. the efforts of the juge d 'instruction are, as a rule, in fact, though 
not in law, largely directed to prove that the accused is guilty. In 
1902 of 884,612 persons accused of penal offences, 13-12% were ac- 
quitted during the period of the instruction, 30-31 by the courts, 
46-32 condemned and the rest acquitted in some other way. This 
shows that charges, often involving preliminary imprisonment, are 
brought against an excessive proportion of persons who either are 
not or cannot be proved to be guilty. The courts of appeal and 
cassation, too, often have more than they can do; in the year 1907 
the court of cassation at Rome decided 948 appeals on points of 
law in civil cases, while no fewer than 460 remained to be decided. 

As in most civilized countries, the number of suicides in Italy has 
increased from year to year. 

The Italian suicide rate of 63-6 per 1,000,000 is, however, lower 
than those of Denmark, Switzerland, Germany and France', while 
it approximates to that of England. The Italian rate is highest in 
the more enlightened and industrial north, and lowest in the south. 
Emilia gives a maximum rate of 10-48 per 100,000, while that of 
Liguria and Lazio is little lower. The minimum of 1-27 is found in 
the Basilicata, though Calabria gives only 2-13. About 20% of the 
total are women, and there is an increase of nearly 3 % since 1882 
in the proportion of suicides under twenty years of age. 

Army. — The Italian army grew out of the old Piedmontese 
army with which in the main the unification of Italy was brought 
about. This unification meant for the army the absorption 
of contingents from all parts of Italy and presenting serious 
differences in physical and moral aptitudes, political opinions 
and education. Moreover the strategic geography of the country 
required the greater part of the army to be stationed permanently 
within reach of the north-eastern and north-western frontiers. 
These conditions made a territorial system of recruiting or organ- 
ization, as understood in Germany, practically impossible. To 
secure fairly uniform efficiency in the various corps, and also as a 
means of unifying Italy, Piedmontese, Umbrians and Neapolitans 
are mixed in the same corps and sleep in the same barrack 
room. But on leaving the colours the men disperse to their 
homes, and thus a regiment has, on mobilization, to draw 
largely on the nearest reservists, irrespective of the corps to 
which they belong. The remedy for this condition of affairs 
is sought in a most elaborate and artificial system of transferring 
officers and men from one unit to another at stated intervals in 
peace-time, but this is no more than a palliative, and there are 
other difficulties of almost equal importance to be surmounted. 
Thus in Italy the universal service system, though probably 
the best organization both for the army and the nation, works 
with a maximum of friction. " Army Reform," therefore, has 
been very much in the forefront of late years owing to the 
estrangement of Austria (whicb power can mobilize much more 
rapidly), but financial difficulties have hitherto stood in the way 




of any radical and far-reaching reforms, and even the proposals 
of the Commission of 1907, referred to below, have only been 
partially accepted. 

The law of 1875 therefore still regulates the principles of military 
service in Italy, though an important modification was made in 
1907-1908. By this law, every man liable and accepted for service 
served for eight or nine years on the Active Army and its Reserve 
(of which three to five were spent with the colours), four or five in 
the Mobile Militia, and the rest of the service period of nineteen 
years in the Territorial Militia. Under present regulations the 
term of liability is divided into nine years in the Active Army and 
Reserve (three or two years with the colours) four in the Mobile 
Militia and six in the Territorial Militia. But these figures do not 
represent the actual service of every able-bodied Italian. Like almost 
all " Universal Service " countries, Italy only drafts a small pro- 
portion of the available recruits into the army. 

The following table shows the operation of the law of 1875, with 
the figures of 1871 for comparison: — 

30th Sept. 







Officers ' 


ActingArmy & Reserve 
Mobile Militia 
Territorial Militia . . 

















1 Including officers on special service or in the reserve. 

Thus, on the 30th of September 187 1 the various categories of 
the army included only 2 % of the population, but on the 30th of 
June 1898 they included 10%. But in 1901 the strength of the 
active army and reserve shows a marked diminution, which 
became accentuated in the year following. The table below in- 
dicates that up to 1907 the army, though always below its 
nominal strength, never absorbed more than a quarter of the 
available contingent. 










Physically unfit . 
Struck off ... . 
Failed to appear 
Put back for re-examina- 









Assigned to Territorial 
Militia and excused 
peace service . 





Assigned to active army 
Joined active army . . 






The serious condition of recruiting was quickly noticed, and the 
tabulation of each year's results was followed by a new draft law, 
but no solution was achieved until a special commission assembled. 
The inquiries made by this body revealed an unsatisfactory con- 
dition in the national defences, traceable in the main to financial 
exigencies, and as regards recruiting a new law was brought into 
force in 1907- 1908. 

One specially difficult point concerned the effectives of the peace- 
strength army. Hitherto the actual time of training had been less 
than the nominal. The recruits due to join in November were not 
incorporated till the following March, and thus in the winter months 
Italy was defenceless. The army is always maintained at a low 
peace effective (about one-quarter of war establishment) and even 
this was reduced, by the absence of the recruits, until there were 
often only 15 rank and file with a company, whose war strength 
is about 230. Even in the summer and autumn a large proportion 
of the army consisted of men with but a few months' service — a 
highly dangerous state of things considering the peculiar mobiliza- 
tion conditioiEs of the country. Further — and this case no legislation 
can cover — the contingent, and (what is more serious) the reserves, 
are being steadily weakened by emigration. The increase in the 
numbers rejected as unfit is accounted for by the fact that if only a 
small proportion of the contingent can be taken for service, the 
medical standard of acceptance is high. 

The new recruiting scheme of 1907 re-established three categories 
of recruits, 1 the 2nd category corresponding practically to the 
German Ersatz-Reserve. The men classed in it have to train for 
six months, and they are called up in the late summer to bridge the 

'The 2nd category of the 1875 ' aw had practically ceased to 

gap above mentioned. The new terms of service for the other 
categories have been already stated. In consequence, in 1908, of 
490,000 liable, some 110,000 actually joined for full training and 
24,000 of the new 2nd category for short training, which contrasts 
very forcibly with the feeble embodiments of 1906 and 1907. These 
changes threw a considerable strain on the finances, but the im- 
minence of the danger caused their acceptance. 

The peace strength under the new scheme is nominally 300,000, 
but actually (average throughout the year) about 240,000. The 
army is organized in 12 army corps (each of 2 divisions), 6 of 
which are quartered on the plain of Lombardy and Venetia and 
on the frontiers, and 2 more in northern Central Italy. Their 
headquarters are: I. Turin, II. Alessandria, III. Milan, IV. 
Genoa, V. Verona, VI. Bologna, VII. Ancona, VIII. Florence, 
IX. Rome, X. Naples, XI. Bari, XII. Palermo, Sardinian division 
Cagliari. In addition there are 22 " Alpini " battalions and 
15 mountain batteries stationed on the Alpine frontiers. 

The war strength was estimated in 1901 as, Active Army (incl. 
Reserve) 750,000, Mobile Militia 320,000, Territorial Militia 
2,300,000 (more than half of the last-named untrained). These 
figures are, with a fractional increase in the Regular Army, 
applicable to-day. When the 1907 scheme takes full effect, 
however, the Active Army and the Mobile Militia will each be 
augmented by about one-third. In 1915 the field army should, 
including officers and permanent cadres, be about 1,012,000 
strong. The Mobile Militia will not, however, at that date have 
felt the effects of the scheme, and the Territorial Militia (setting 
the drain of emigration against the increased population) will 
probably remain at about the same figure as in 1901. 

The army consists of 96 three-battalion regiments of infantry of 
the line and 12 of bersaglieri (riflemen), each of the latter having 
a cyclist company (Bersaglieri cyclist battalions are being (1909) 
provisionally formed) ; 26 regiments of cavalry, of which 10 are 
lancers, each of 6 squadrons; 24 regiments of artillery, each of 
8 batteries; 2 I regiment of horse artillery of 6 batteries; I of 
mountain artillery of 12 batteries, and 3 independent mountain 
batteries. The armament of the infantry is the Mannlicher-Carcano 
magazine rifle of 1891. The field and horse artillery was in 1909 
in process of rearmament with a Krupp quick-firer. The garrison 
artillery consists of 3 coast and 3 fortress regiments, with a total of 
72 companies. There are 4 regiments (11 battalions) of engineers. 
The carabinieri or gendarmerie, some 26,500 in number, are part of 
the standing army; they are recruited from selected volunteers from 
the army. In 1902 the special corps in Eritrea numbered about 
4700 of all ranks, including nearly 4000 natives. 

Ordinary and extraordinary military expenditure for the financial 
year 1 898-1 899 amounted to nearly £10,000,000, an increase of 
£4,000,000 as compared with 1871. The Italian Chamber decided 
that from the 1st of July 1901 until the 30th of June 1907 Italian 
military expenditure proper should not exceed the maximum of 
£9,560,000 per annum fixed by the Army Bill of May 1897, and that 
military pensions should not exceed £1,440,000. Italian military 
expenditure was thus until 1907 £11,000,000 per annum. In 1908 
the ordinary and extraordinary expenditure was £10,000,000. 
The demands of the Commission were only partly complied with, 
but a large special grant was voted amounting to at least £1,000,000 
per annum for the next seven years. The amount. spent is slight 
compared with the military expenditure of other countries. 

The Alpine frontier is fortified strongly, although the condition 
of the works was in many cases considered unsatisfactory by the 
1907 Commission. The fortresses in the basin of the Po chiefly 
belong to the era of divided Italy and are now out of date; the 
chief coast fortresses are Vado, Genoa, Spezia, Monte Argentaro, 
Gaeta, Straits of Messina, Taranto, Maddalena. Rome is protected 
by a circle of forts from a coup de main from the sea, the coast, only 
12 m. off, being flat and deserted. 

Navy. — For purposes of naval organization the Italian coast is 
divided into three maritime departments, with headquarters at 
Spezia, Naples and Venice; and into two comandi militan, with 
headquarters at Taranto and at the island of Maddalena. 
The personnel of the navy consists of the following corps: (1) 
General staff; (2) naval engineers, chiefly employed in building 
and repairing war vessels; (3) sanitary corps; (4) commissariat 
corps, for supplies and account-keeping; (5) crews. 

The maUriel of the Italian navy has been completely trans- 
formed, especially in virtue of the bill of the 31st of March 1875. 
Old types of vessels have been sold or demolished, and replaced 
by newer types. 

2 This may be reduced, in consequence of the adoption of the new 
Q.F. gun, 1 to 6. 




In March 1907 the Italian navy contained, excluding ships of no 
fighting value : — 




Modern battleships 




Old battleships 


Armoured cruisers 



Protected cruisers . . 


Torpedo gunboats 


Destroyers .... 




Modern torpedo boats 







The four modern ships — the " Vittorio Emanuele " class, laid 
down in 1897 — have a tonnage of 12,625, two 12-in. and twelve 8-in. 
guns, an I.H.P. of 19,000, and a designed speed of 22 knots, being 
intended to avoid any battleship and to carry enough guns to 
destroy any cruiser. 

The personnel on active service consisted of 1799 officers and 
25,000 men, the former being doubled and the latter trebled since 

Naval expenditure has enormously increased since 1871, the total 
for 1871 having been about £900,000, and the total for 1905-1906 
over £5,100,000. Violent fluctuations have, however, taken place 
from year to year, according to the state of Italian finances. To 
permit the steady execution of a normal programme of shipbuilding, 
the Italian Chamber, in May 1901, adopted a resolution limiting 
naval expenditure, inclusive of naval pensions and of premiums on 
mercantile shipbuilding, to the sum of £4,840,000 for the following 
six years, i.e. from 1st July 1901 until 30th June 1907. This sum 
consists of £4,240,000 of naval expenditure proper, £220,000 for 
naval pensions and £380,000 for premiums upon mercantile ship- 
building. During the financial year ending on the 30th of June 1901 
these figures were slightly exceeded. 

Finance. — The volume of the Italian budget has considerably 
increased as regards both income and expenditure. The income 
of £60,741,418 in 1881 rose in 1899-1900 to £69,917,126; while 
the expenditure increased from £58,705,929 in 1881 to £69,708,706 
in 1899-1900, an increase of £9,175,708 in income and £1 1,002,777 
in expenditure, while there has been a still further increase since, 
the figures for 1905-1906 showing (excluding items which figure 
on both sides of the account) an increase of £8,766,995 in income 
and £5,434,560 in expenditure over 1899-1900. These figures 
include not only the categories of " income and expenditure " 
proper, but also those known as " movement of capital," " rail- 
way constructions " and " partite di giro" which do not constitute 
real income and expenditure. 1 Considering only income and 
expenditure proper, the approximate totals are: — 

Financial Year. 



Surpluses or 




£ + 160,000 

1 885-1 886 



— 940,400 




— 3,001,600 




— 2,618,800 




+ 1,306,400 

1 899- 1 900 



+ i,537,20o 









The financial year 1862 closed with a deficit of more than 
£16,000,000, which increased in 1866 to £28,840,000 on account of 
the preparations for the war against Austria. Excepting the in- 
creases of deficit in 1868 and 1870, the annual deficits tended thence- 
forward to decrease, until in 1875 equilibrium between expenditure 
and revenue was attained, and was maintained until 1881. Ad- 
vantage was taken of the equilibrium to abolish certain imposts, 
amongst them the grist tax, which prior to its gradual repeal pro- 

1 " Movement of capital " consists, as regards " income," of the 
proceeds of the sale of buildings, Church or Crown lands, old prisons, 
barracks, &c, or of moneys derived from sale of consolidated stock. 
Thus " income " really signifies diminution of patrimony or increase 
of debt. In regard to " expenditure," " movement of capital " 
refers to extinction of debt by amortization or otherwise, to pur- 
chases of buildings or to advances made by the state. Thus " ex- 
penditure" really represents a patrimonial improvement, a creation 
of credit or a decrease of indebtedness. The items referring to 
" railway construction " represent, on the one hand, repayments 
made to the exchequer by the communes and provinces of money 
disbursed on their account by the State Treasury; and, on the 
other, the cost of new railways incurred by the Treasury. The 
items of the " partite di giro " are inscribed both on the credit and 
debit sides of the budget, and have merely a figurative value. 

duced more than £3,200,000 a year. From 1 885-1886 onwards, 
outlay on public works, military and colonial expenditure, and 
especially the commercial and financial crises, contributed to pro- 
duce annual deficits ; but owing to drastic reforms introduced in 
1894-1895 and to careful management the year 1898-1899 marked 
a return of surpluses (nearly £1,306,400). 

The revenue in the Italian financial year 1905-1906 (July I, 1905 
to June 30, 1906) was £102,486,108, and the expenditure £99,945,253, 
or, subtracting the partite di giro, £99,684,121 and £97,143,266, 
leaving a surplus of £2, 540,855.2 The surplus was made up by 
contributions from every branch of the effective revenue, except the 
" contributions and repayments from local authorities." The rail- 
ways showed an increase of £351,685; registration transfer and 
succession, £295,560; direct taxation, £42,136 (mainly from income 
tax, which more than made up for the remission of the house tax in 
the districts of Calabria visited by the earthquake of 1906) ; customs 
and excise, £1,036,742; government monopolies, £291,027; posts, 
£41,310; telegraphs, £23,364; telephones, £65,771. Of the surplus 
£1,000,000 was allocated to the improvement of posts, telegraphs and 
telephones; £1,000,000 to public works (£720,000 for harbour im- 
provement and £280,000 for internal navigation) ; £200,000 to the 
navy (£132,000 for a second dry dock at Taranto and £68,000 for 
coal purchase) ; and £200,000 as a nucleus of a fund for the purchase 
of valuable works of art which are in danger of exportation. 

The state therefore draws its principal revenues from the imposts, 
the taxes and the monopolies. According to the Italian tributary 
system, " imposts," properly so called are those upon land, Taxation 
buildings and personal estate. The impost upon land is 
based upon the cadastral survey independently of the vicissitudes of 
harvests. In 1869 the main quota to the impost was increased by 
one-tenth, in addition to the extra two-tenths previously imposed 
in 1866. Subsequently, it was decided to repeal these additional 
tenths, the first being abolished in 1886 and the rest in 1887. On 
account of the inequalities still existing in the cadastral survey, in 
spite of the law of 1886 (see Agriculture, above), great differences are 
found in the land tax assessments in various parts of Italy. Land is 
not so heavily burdened by the government quota as by the additional 
centimes imposed by the provincial and communal authorities. 
On an average Italian landowners pay nearly 25 % of their revenues 
from land in government and local land tax. The buildings impost 
has been assessed since 1866 upon the basis of 12-50% of " taxable 
revenue." Taxable revenue corresponds to two-thirds of actual 
income from factories and to three-fourths of actual income from 
houses; it is ascertained by the agents of the financial administra- 
tion. In 1869, however, a third additional tenth was added to the 
previously existing additional two-tenths, and, unlike the tenths of 
the land tax, they have not been abolished. At present the main 
quota with the additional three-tenths amounts to 16-25 % of tax- 
able income. The imposts qn incomes from personal estate {ricchezza 
mobile) were introduced in 1866; it applies to incomes derived from 
investments, industry or personal enterprise, but not to landed 
revenues, it is proportional, and is collected by deduction from 
salaries and pensions paid to servants of the state, where it is assessed 
on three-eighths of the income, and from interest on consolidated 
stock, where it is assessed on the whole amount; and by register in 
the cases of private individuals, who pay on three-fourths of their 
income, professional men, capitalists or manufacturers, who pay on 
one-half or nine-twentieths of their income. From 1871 to 1894 it 
was assessed at 13-20% of taxable income, this quota being formed 
of 12 % main quota and I -20% as an additional tenth. In 1894 the 
quota, including the additional tenth, was raised to the uniform level 
of 20 %. One-tenth of the tax is paid to the communes as compensa- 
tion for revenues made over to the state. 

Taxes proper are divided into (a) taxes on business transactions 
and (b) taxes on articles of consumption. The former apply prin- 
cipally to successions, stamps, registrations, mortgages, &c. ; the 
latter to distilleries, breweries, explosives, native sugar and matches, 
though the customs revenue and octrois upon articles of general 
consumption, such as corn, wine, spirits, meat, flour, petroleum, 
butter, tea, coffee and sugar, may be considered as belonging to this 
class. The monopolies are those of salt, tobacco and the lottery. 

Since 1880, while income from the salt and lotto monopolies has 
remained almost stationary, and that from land tax and octroi has 
diminished, revenue derived from all other sources has notably 
increased, especially that from the income tax on personal estate, 
and the customs, the yield from which has been nearly doubled. 

It will be seen that the revenue is swollen by a large number of 
taxes which can only be justified by necessity; the reduction and, 
still more, the readjustment of taxation (which now largely falls on 
articles of primary necessity) is urgently needed. The government 
in presenting the estimates for 1907-1908 proposed to set aside a 
sum of nearly £800,000 every year for this express purpose. It 
must be remembered that the sums realized by the octroi go in the 
main to the various communes. It is only in Rome and Naples that 
the octroi is collected directly by the government, which pays over a 
certain proportion to the respective communes. 

The external taxation is not only strongly protectionist, but is 

2 Financial operations (mainly in connexion with railway purchase) 
figure on each side of the account for about £22,000,000. 




applied to goods which cannot be made in Italy ; hardly anything 
comes in duty free, even such articles as second-hand furniture paying 
duty, unless within six months of the date at which the importer 
has declared domicile in Italy. The application, too, is somewhat 
rigorous, e.g. the tax on electric light is applied to foreign ships 
generating their own electricity while lying in Italian ports. 

The annual consumption per inhabitant of certain kinds of food 
and drink has considerably increased, e.g. grain from 270 lb per head 
in 1884-1885 to 321 lb in 1901-1902 (maize remains almost stationary 
at 158 lb) ; wine from 73 to 125 litres per head; oil from 12 to 13 lb 
per head (sugar is almost stationary at 7\ lb per head, and coffee 
at about 1 lb) ; salt from 14 to 16 lb per head. Tobacco slightly 
diminished in weight at a little over I lb per head, while the gross 
receipts are considerably increased — by over 2 J millions sterling 
since 1884-1885 — showing that the quality consumed is much better. 
The annual expenditure on tobacco was 5s. per inhabitant in 1902- 
1903, and is increasing. 

The annual surpluses are largely accounted for by the heavy 
taxation on almost everything imported into the country, 1 and by 
the monopolies on tobacco and on salt ; and are as a rule spent, and 
well spent, in other ways. Thus, that of 1907-1908 was devoted 
mainly to raising the salaries of government officials and university 
professors; even then the maximum for both (in the former class, 
tor an under-secretary of state) was only £500 per annum. The case 
is frequent, too, in which a project is sanctioned by law, but is then 
not carried into execution, or only partly so, owing to the lack of 
funds. Additional stamp duties and taxes were imposed in 1909 to 
meet the expenditure necessitated by the disastrous earthquake at 
the end of 1908. 

The way in which the taxes press on the poor may be shown by the 
number of small proprietors sold up owing to inability to pay the. 
land and other taxes. In 1882 the number of landed proprietors was 
14-52% of the population, in 1902 only 12-66, with an actual 
diminution of some 30,000. Had the percentage of 1882 been kept 
up there would have been in 1902 600,000 more proprietors than 
there were. Between 1884 and 1902 no fewer than 220,616 sales 
were effected for failure to pay taxes, while, from 1886 to 1902, 
79,208 expropriations were effected for other debts not due to the 
state. In 1884 there were 20,422 sales, of which 35-28% were for 
debts of 4s. or less, and 51-95 for debts between 4s. and £2; in 1902 
there were 4857 sales, but only 1 1 -oi % for debts under 4s. (the 
treasury having given up proceeding in cases where the property is 
a tiny piece of ground, sometimes hardly capable of cultivation), 
and 55-69 % for debts between 4s. and £2. The expropriations deai 
as a rule with properties of higher value; of these there were 3217 
in 1886, 5993 in 1892 (a period of agricultural depression), 3910 in 
1902. About 22 % of them are for debts under £40, about 49 % 
from £40 to £200, about 26 % from £200 to £2000. 

Of the expenditure a large amount is absorbed by interest on debt. 
Debt has continually increased with the development of the state. 
The sum paid in interest on debt amounted to £17,640,000 
in 1871, £19,440,000 in 1881, £25,600,000 in 1891-1892 

The debt per head of population was, in 1905, £14, lbs. 3d., and 
the interest 13s. 5d. 

In July 1906 the 5% gross (4% net), and 4% net rente were 
successfully converted into 3 J % stock (to be reduced to 3^ % after 
five years), to a total amount of £324,017,393. The demands for 
reimbursement at par represented a sum of only £187,588 and the 
market value of the stock was hardly affected; while the saving 
to the Treasury was to be £800,000 per annum for the first five years 
and about double the amount afterwards. 

Currency. — The lira (plural lire) of 100 centesimi (centimes) is equal 
in value to the French franc. The total coinage (exclusive of Eritrean 
currency) from the 1st of January 1862 to the end of 1907 was 
1,104,667,116 lire (exclusive of recoinage), divided as follows: gold, 
427,516,970 lire; silver, 570,097,025 lire; nickel, 23,417,000 lire; 
bronze, 83,636,121 lire. The forced paper currency, instituted in 
1866, was abolished in 188 1, in which year were dissolved the Union 
of Banks of Issue created in 1874 to furnish to the state treasury a 
milliard of lire in notes, guaranteed collectively by the banks. Part 
of the Union notes were redeemed, part replaced by 10 lire and 5 lire 
state notes, payable at sight in metallic legal tender by certain state 
banks. Nevertheless the law of 1881 did not succeed in maintaining 
the value of the state notes at a par with the metallic currency, and 
from 1885 onwards there reappeared a gold premium, which during 
1899 and 1900 remained at about 7 %, but subsequently fell to about 
3 % and has since 1902 practically disappeared. The paper circula- 
tion to the debit of the state and the paper currency issued by the 
authorized state banks is shown below : — 


and £27,560,000 in 1899-1900; but had been reduced to 
£23,100,409 by the 30th of June 1906. The public debt at that date 
was composed as follows : — 

Part I. — Funded Debt. 
Grand Livre — Amount. 

Consolidated 5 % £316,141,802 

3 % 6,404,335 

4i%net 28,872,511 

4 % „ 7,875,592 

3i% , 37,689,880 

Total . . . £396,984,120 

Debts to be transferred to the Grand Livre . 60,868 

Perpetual annuity to the Holy See . . . 2,580,000 

Perpetual debts (Modena, Sicily, Naples) . 2,591,807 

Total . . . £402,216,795 

Part II.— Unfunded Debt. . ' 
Debts separately inscribed in the Grand Livre . 
Various railway obligations, redeemable, &c. . 

Sicilian indemnities 

Capital value of annual payment to South 

Austrian Company 

Long date Treasury warrants, law of July 7, 1901 
Railway certificates (3-65% net), Art. 6 of law, 

June 25, 1905, No. 261 

Part I. 







Direct Liability of State. 

Notes issued 



by State 


State Notes. 

Bonsde Caisse.l 







31st December 1881 




„ 1 886 




„ i8gi 




„ 1896 





„ i8gg 





„ IQ05 





1 These ceased to have legal currency at the end of 1901; they were notes of I and 2 lire. 

Banks. — Until 1893 the juridical status of the Banks of Issue was 
regulated by the laws of the 30th of April 1874 on paper currency and 
of the 7th of April 1881 on the abolition of forced currency. At that 
time four limited companies were authorized to issue bank notes, 
namely, the National Bank, the National Bank of Tuscany, the 
Roman Bank and the Tuscan Credit Bank; and two banking 
corporations, the Bank of Naples and the Bank of Sicily. In 1893 
the Roman Bank was put into liquidation, and the other three 
limited companies were fused, so as to create the Bank of Italy, the 
privilege of issuing bank notes being thenceforward confined to the 
Bank of Italy, the Bank of Naples and the Bank of Sicily. The gold 
reserve in the possession of the Banca d'ltalia on September 30th 
1907 amounted to £32,240,984, and the silver reserve to £4,767,861 ; 
the foreign treasury bonds, &c. amounted to £3,324,074, making 
the total reserve £40,332,919; while the circulation amounted to 
£54,612,234. The figures were on the 31st of December 1906: 



Banca d'ltalia 
Banca di Napoli . 
Banca di Sicilia . 

Total . . 







Grand Total . £521,568,629 

'For example, wheat, the price of which was in 1902 26 lire per 
cwt., pays a tax of 7j lire; sugar pays four times its wholesale value 
in tax; coffee twice its wholesale value. 

This is considerably in excess of the circulation, £40,404,000, fixed 
by royal decree of 1900; but the issue of additional notes was 
allowed, provided they were entirely covered by a metallic reserve, 
whereas up to the fixed limit a 40 % reserve only was necessary. 
These notes are of 50, 100, 500 and 1000 lire; while the state issues 
notes for 5, 10 and 25 lire, the currency of these at the end of October 
1906 being £17,546,967; with a total guarantee of £15,636,000 held 
against them. They were in January 1908 equal in value to the 
metallic currency of gold and silver. 

The price of Italian consolidated 5 % (gross, 4 % net, allowing for 
the 20% income tax) stock, which is the security most largely 
negotiated abroad, and used in settling differences between large 
financial institutions, has steadily risen during recent years. After 
being depressed between 1885 and 1894, the prices in Italy and abroad 
reached, in 1899, on the Rome Stock Exchange, the average of 
100-83 and of 94-8 on the Paris Bourse. By the end of 1901 the price 
of Italian stock on the Paris Bourse had, however, risen to par or 
thereabouts. The average price of Italian 4% in 1905 was 105-29; 
since the conversion to 3 J % net (to be further reduced to 3 J in five 
more years), the price has been about 103-5. Rates of exchange, or, 
in other words the gold premium, favoured Italy during the years 
immediately following the abolition of the forced currency in 188 1. 
In 1885, however, rates tended to rise, and though they fell in 1886 
they subsequently increased to such an extent as to reach 110% 
at the end of August 1894. For the next four years they continued 




low, but rose again in 1898 and 1899. In 1900 the maximum rate 
was 107-32, and the minimum 105-40, but in 1901 rates fell consider- 
ably, and were at par in 1902-1909. 

There are in Italy six clearing houses, namely, the ancient one at 
Leghorn, and those of Genoa, Milan, Rome, Florence and Turin, 
founded since 1882. 

The number of ordinary banks, which diminished between 1889 
and 1894, increased in the following years, and was 158 in 1898. At 
the same time the capital employed in banking decreased by nearly 
one-half, namely, from about £12,360,000 in 1880 to about £6,520,000 
in 1898. This decrease was due to the liquidation of a number of 
large and small banks, amongst others the Bank of Genoa, the 
General Bank, and the Societa di Credito Mobiliare Italiano of Rome, 
and the Genoa Discount Bank — establishments which alone repre- 
sented £4,840,000 of paid-up capital. Ordinary credit operations 
are also carried on by the co-operative credit societies, of which 
there are some 700. 

Certain banks make a special business of lending money to owners 
Df land or buildings {credito jondiario). Loans are repayable by 
Agrarian instalments, and are guaranteed by first mortgages not 
Credit greater in amount than half the value of the hypothecated 

Banks. property. The banks may buy up mortgages and advance 
money on current account on the security of land or 
buildings. The development of the large cities has induced these 
banks to turn their attention rather to building enterprise than to 
mortgages on rural property. The value of their land certificates 
or cartelle fondiarie (representing capital in circulation) rose from 
£10,420,000 in 1881 to £15,560,000 in 1886, and to £30,720,000 
in 1891, but fell to £29,320,000 in 1896, to £27,360,000 in 1898, 
and to £24,360,000 in 1907; the amount of money lent increased 
from £10,440,000 in 1881 to £15,600,000 in 1886, and £30,800,000 in 
1891, but fell to £29,320,000 in 1896, to £27,360,000 in 1899, and 
to £21,720,000 in 1907. The diminution was due to the law of the 
10th of April 1893 upon the banks of issue, by which they were 
obliged to liquidate the loan and mortgage business they had pre- 
viously carried on. 

Various laws have been passed to facilitate agrarian credit. The 
law of the 23rd of January 1887 (still in force) extended the dis- 
positions of the Civil Code with regard to " privileges," 1 and 
established special " privileges " in regard to harvested produce, 
produce stored in barns and farm buildings, and in regard to agricul- 
tural implements. Loans on mortgage may also be granted to land- 
owners and agricultural unions, with a view to the introduction of 
agricultural improvements. These loans are regulated by special 
disposition, and are guaranteed by a share of the increased value 
of the land after the improvements have been carried out. Agrarian 
credit banks may, with the permission of the government, issue 
cartelle agrarie, or agrarian bonds, repayable by instalments and 
bearing interest. 

Internal Administration. — It was not till 1865 that the adminis- 
trative unity of Italy was realized. Up to that year some of the 
regions of the kingdom, such as Tuscany, continued to have a kind 
of autonomy; but by the laws of the 20th of March the whole 
country was divided into 69 provinces and 8545 communes. The 
extent to which communal independence had been maintained in 
Italy through all the centuries of its political disintegration was 
strongly in its favour. The syndic (sindaco) or chief magistrate of 
the commune was appointed by the king for three years, and he was 
assisted by a " municipal junta." 

Local government was modified by the law of the 10th of February 
1 889 and by posterior enactments. The syndics (or mayors) are now 
elected by a secret ballot of the communal council, though they are 
still government officials. In the provincial administrations the 
functions of the prefects have been curtailed. Each province has a 
prefect, responsible to and appointed by the Ministry of the Interior, 
while each of the regions (called variously circondarii and distretti) 
has its sub-prefect. Whereas the prefect was formerly ex-officio 
president of the provincial deputation or executive committee of the 
provincial council, his duties under the present law are reduced to 
mere participation in the management of provincial affairs, the 
president of the provincial deputation being chosen among and 
elected by the members of the deputation. The most important 
change introduced by the new law has been the creation in every 
province of a provincial administrative junta entrusted with the 
supervision of communal administrations, a function previously 
discharged by the provincial deputation. Each provincial adminis- 
trative junta is composed, in part, of government nominees, and in 
larger part of elective elements, elected by the provincial council for 
four years, half of whom require to be elected every two years. The 
acts of communal administration requiring the sanction of the 
provincial administrative junta are chiefly financial. Both com- 
munal councils and prefects may appeal to the government against 
the decision of the provincial administrative juntas, the government 
being guided by the opinion of the Council of State. Besides possess- 
ing competence in regard to local government elections, which 

1 " Privileges " assure to creditors priority of claim in case of 
foreclosure for debt or mortgage. Prior to the law of the 23rd of 
January 1887 harvested produce and agricultural implements were 
legally exempt from " privilege." 

previously came within the jurisdiction of the provincial deputations, 
the provincial administrative juntas discharge magisterial functions 
in administrative affairs, and deal with appeals presented by private 
persons against acts of the communal and provincial administrations. 
The juntas are in this respect organs of the administrative juris- 
prudence created in Italy by the law of the 1st of May 1890, in order 
to provide juridical protection for those rights and interests outside 
the competence of the ordinary tribunals. The provincial council 
only meets once a year in ordinary session. 

The former qualifications for electorship in local government 
elections have been modified, and it is now sufficient to pay five lire 
annually in direct taxes, five lire of certain communal taxes, or a 
certain rental (which varies according to the population of a com- 
mune), instead of being obliged to pay, as previously, at least five 
lire annually of direct taxes to the state. In consequence of this 
change the number of local electors increased by more than one- 
third between 1 887-1 889; it decreased, however, as a result of an 
extraordinary revision of the registers in 1894. The period for 
which both communal and provincial councils are elected is six 
years, one-half being renewed every three years. 

The ratio of local electors to population is in Piedmont 79 %, but 
in Sicily less than 45%. The ratio of voters to qualified electors 
tends to increase; it is highest in Campania, Basilicata and in 
the south generally; the lowest percentages are given by Emilia 
and Liguria. 

Local finance is regulated by the communal and provincial law of 
May 1898, which instituted provincial administrative juntas, em- 
powered to examine and sanction the acts of the com- 
munal financial administrations. The sanction of the Local 
provincial administrative junta is necessary for sales or finance. 
purchases of property, alterations of rates (although in case of 
increase the junta can only act upon request of ratepayers paying an 
aggregate of one-twentieth of the local direct taxation), and ex- 
penditure affecting the communal budget for more than five years. 
The provincial administrative junta is, moreover, empowered to 
order " obligatory " expenditure, such as the upkeep of roads, 
sanitary works, lighting, police {i.e. the so-called " guardie di pubblica 
sicurezza," the " carabinieri " being really a military force; only the 
largest towns maintain a municipal police force), charities, education, 
&c. , in case such expenditure is neglected by the communal authorities. 
The cost of fire brigades, infant asylums, evening and holiday schools, 
is classed as " optional " expenditure. Communal revenues are 
drawn from the proceeds of communal property, interest upon 
capital, taxes and local dues. The most important of the local dues 
is the gate tax, or dazio di consumo, which may be either a surtax 
upon commodities (such as alcoholic drinks or meat), having already 
paid customs duty at the frontier, in which case the local surtax may 
not exceed 50% of the frontier duty, or an exclusively communal 
duty limited to 10 % on flour, bread and farinaceous products, 2 and 
to 20 % upon other commodities. The taxes thus vary considerably 
in different towns. 

In addition, the communes have a right to levy a, surtax not ex- 
ceeding 50% of the quota levied by the state upon lands and 
buildings; a family tax, or fuocatico, upon the total incomes of 
families, which, for fiscal purposes, are divided into various cate- 
gories; a tax based upon the rent- value of houses, and other taxes 
upon cattle, horses, dogs, carriages and servants; also on licences for 
shopkeepers, hotel and restaurant keepers, &c. ; on the slaughter of 
animals, stamp duties, one-half of the tax on bicycles, &c. Occa- 
sional sources of interest are found in the sale of communal property, 
the realization of communal credits, and the contraction of debt. 

The provincial administrations are entrusted with the manage- 
ment of the affairs of the provinces in general, as distinguished from 
those of the communes. Their expenditure is likewise classed as 
" obligatory " and " optional." The former category comprises the 
maintenance of provincial roads, bridges and watercourse embank- 
ments; secondary education, whenever this is not provided for by 
private^ institutions or by the state (elementary education being 
maintained by the communes), and the maintenance of foundlings 
and pauper lunatics. " Optional " expenditure includes the cost of 
servicesof general public interest, though not strictly indispensable. 
Provincial revenues are drawn from provincial property, school taxes, 
tolls and surtaxes on land and buildings. The provincial surtaxes 
may not exceed 50% of the quotas levied by the state. In 1897 the 
total provincial revenue was £3,732,253, of which £3,460,000 was 
obtained from the surtax upon lands and buildings. Expenditure 
amounted to £3,768,888, of which the principal items were £760,600 
for roads and bridges, £520,000 for lunatic asylums, £240,000 for 
foundling hospitals, £320,000 for interest on debt and £200,000 for 
police. Like communal revenue, provincial revenue has considerably 
increased since 1880, principally on account of the increase in the 
land and building surtax. 

The Italian local authorities, communes and provinces alike, 
have considerably increased their indebtedness since 1882. The 
ra tio of communal and provincial debt per inhabitant has grown 

2 At the beginning of 1902 the Italian parliament sanctioned a bill 
providing for the abolition of municipal duties on bread and farin- 
aceous products within three years of the promulgation of the bill on 
1st July 1902. 




from 30-79 lire (£1, 4s. 7Jd.) to 43-70 lire (£1, 14s. 1 id.), an increase due 
in great part to the need for improved buildings, hygienic reforms 
and education, but also attributable in part to the manner in which 
the finances of many communes are administered. The total was in 
1900, £49,496,193 for the communes and £6,908,022 for the provinces. 
The former total is more than double arid the latter more than treble 
the sum in 1873, while there is an increase of 62 % in the former and 
26% in the latter over the totals for 1882. 

See Annuario statistico italiano (not, however, issued regularly each 
year) for general statistics; and other official publications; W. 
Deecke, Italy; a Popular Account of the Country, its People and its 
Institutions (translated by H. A. Nesbitt, London, 1904); B. King 
and T. Okey, Italy to-day (London, 1901); E. Nathan, Vent Anni di 
vita itaUana attraverso all' Annuario (Rome, 1906); G. Strafforello, 
Geografia deW Italia (Turin, 1890-1902). ' (T. As.) 


The difficulty of Italian history lies in the fact that until 
modern times the Italians have had no political unity, no inde- 
pendence, no organized existence as a nation. Split up into 
numerous and mutually hostile communities, they never, through 
the fourteen centuries which have elapsed since the end of the 
old Western empire, shook off the yoke of foreigners completely; 
they never until lately learned to rnerge their local and conflicting 
interests in the common good of undivided Italy. Their history 
is therefore not the history of a single people, centralizing and 
absorbing its constituent elements by a process of continued 
evolution, but of a group of cognate populations, exemplifying 
divers types of constitutional developments. 

The early history of Italy will be found under Rome and allied 
headings. The following account is therefore mainly concerned 
with the periods succeeding a.d. 476, when Romulus Augustulus 
was deposed by Odoacer. Prefixed to this are two sections 
dealing respectively with (A) the ethnographical and philological 
divisions of ancient Italy, and (B) the unification of the country 
under Augustus, the growth of the road system and so forth. 
The subsequent history is divided into five periods: (C) From 
476 to 1796; (D) From 1796 to 1814; (E) From 1815 to 1870; 
(F) From 1870 to 1902; (G) From 1902 to 1910. 

A. Ancient Languages and Peoples 

The ethnography of ancient Italy is a very complicated and 
difficult subject, and notwithstanding the researches of modern 
scholars is still involved in some obscurity. The great beauty 
and fertility of the country, as well as the charm of its climate, 
undoubtedly attracted, even in early ages, successive swarms of 
invaders from the north, who sometimes drove out the previous 
occupants of the most favoured districts, at others reduced them 
to a state of serfdom, or settled down in the midst of them, until 
the two races gradually coalesced. Ancient writers are agreed 
as to the composite character of the population of Italy, and the 
diversity of races that were found within the limits of the 
peninsula. But unfortunately the traditions they have trans- 
mitted to us are often various and conflicting, while the only safe 
test of the affinities of nations, derived from the comparison of 
their languages, is to a great extent inapplicable, from the fact 
that the idioms that prevailed in Italy in and before the 5th 
century B.C. are preserved, if at all, only in a few scanty and 
fragmentary inscriptions, though from that date onwards we 
have now a very fair record of many of them (see, e.g. Latin 
Language, Osca Lingua, Iguvium, Volsci, Etruria: section 
Language, and below). These materials, imperfect as they are, 
when combined with the notices derived from ancient writers and 
the evidence of archaeological excavations, may be considered 
as having furnished some results of reasonable certainty. 

It must be observed that the name " Italians " was at one 
time confined to the Oenotrians; indeed, according to Antiochus 
of Syracuse (apud Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. ii. 1), the name of Italy 
was first still more limited, being applied only to the southern 
portion of the Bruttium peninsula (now known as Calabria). 
But in the time of that historian, as well as of Thucydides, the 
names of Oenotria and Italia, which appear to have been at that 
period regarded as synonymous, had been extended to include 
the shore of the Tarentine Gulf as far as Metapontum and 
from thence across to the gulfs of Laus and Posidonia on the 

Tyrrhenian Sea. It thus still comprised only the two provinces 
subsequently known as Lucania and Bruttium (see references s.v. 
" Italia " in R. S. Conway's Italic Dialects, p. 5) . The name seems 
to be a Graecized form of an Italic Vitelia, from the stem vitlo-, 
" calf " (Lat. vitulus, Gr. iraXos), and perhaps to have meant 
" calf-land," " grazing-land "; but the origin is more certain 
than the meaning; the calf may be one of the many animals 
connected with Italian tribes (see Hirpini, Sahnites) . 

Taking the term Italy to comprise the whole peninsula with 
the northern region as far as the Alps, we must first distinguish 
the tribe or tribes which spoke Indo-European languages from 
those who did not. To the latter category it is now possible to 
refer with certainty only the Etruscans (for the chronology and 
limits of their occupation of Italian soil see Etruria: section 
Language). Of all the other tribes that inhabited Italy down 
to the classical period, of whose speech there is any record 
(whether explicit or in the form of names and glosses), it is 
impossible to maintain that any one does not belong to the 
Indo-European group. Putting aside the Etruscan, and also 
the different Greek dialects of the Greek colonies, like Cumae, 
Neapolis, Tarentum, and proceeding from the south to the 
north, the different languages or dialects, of whose separate 
existence at some time between, say, 600 and 200 B.C., we can 
be sure, may be enumerated as follows: (1) Sicel, (2) South 
Oscan and Oscan, (3) Messapian, (4) North Oscan, (5) Volscian, 
(6) East Italic or " Sabellic," (7) Latinian, (8) Sabine, (9) Iguvine 
or " Umbrian," (10) Gallic, (11) Ligurian and (12) Venetic. 

Between several of these dialects it is probable that closer 
affinities exist. (1) It is probable, though not very clearly 
demonstrated, that Venetic, East Italic and Messapian are 
connected together and with the ancient dialects spoken in 
Illyria (q.v.), so that these might be provisionally entitled the 
Adriatic group, to which the language spoken by the Eteocretes 
of the city of Praesos in Crete down to the 4th century B.C. 
was perhaps akin. (2) Too little is known of the Sicel language 
to make clear more than its Indo-European character. But 
it must be reckoned among the languages of Italy because of the 
well-supported tradition of the early existence of the Sicels in 
Latium (see Siculi). Their possible place in the earlier stratum 
of Indo-European population is discussed under Sabini. How 
far also the language or languages spoken in Bruttium and at 
certain points of Lucania, such as Anxia, differed from the 
Oscan of Samnium and Campania there is not enough evidence 
to show (see Bruttii). (3) It is doubtful whether there are any 
actual inscriptions which can be referred with certainty to the 
language of the Ligures, but some other evidence seems to link 
them with the -CO- peoples, whose early distribution is discussed 
under Volsci and Liguria. (4) It is difficult to point to any 
definite evidence by which we may determine the dates of the 
earliest appearance of Gallic tribes in the north of Italy. No 
satisfactory collection has been made of the Celtic inscriptions of 
Cisalpine Gaul, though many are scattered about in different 
museums. For our present purpose it is important to note that 
the archaeological stratification in deposits like those of Bologna 
shows that the Gallic period supervened upon the Etruscan. 
Until a scientific collection of the local and personal names of 
this district has been made, and until the archaeological evidence 
is clearly interpreted, it is impossible to go beyond the region 
of conjecture as to the tribe or tribes occupying the valley of 
the Po before the two invasions. It is clear, however, that the 
Celtic and Etruscan elements together occupied the greater 
part of the district between the Apennines and the Alps 
down to its Romanization, which took place gradually in the 
course of the 2nd century B.C. Their linguistic neighbours 
were Ligurian in the south and south-west, and the Veneti 
on the east. 

We know from the Roman historians that a large force of 
Gauls came as far south as Rome in the year 390 B.C., and that 
some part of this horde settled in what was henceforward known 
as the Ager Gallicus, the easternmost strip of coast in what was 
later known as Umbria, including the towns of Caesena, Ravenna 
and •Arlminum. A bilingual inscription (Gallic and Latin) of 




the 2nd century b.c. was found as far south as Tuder, the modern 
Todi (Italic Dialects, ii. 528; Stokes, B Bamberger's BeitrUge, 
11, p. 113). 

(5) Turning now to the languages which constitute the Italic 
group in the narrower sense, (a) Oscan; (b) the dialect of Velitrae, 
commonly called Volscian; (c) Latinian (i.e. Latin and its 
nearest congeners, like Faliscan); and (d) Umbrian (or, as it 
may more safely be called, Iguvine), two principles of classifica- 
tion offer themselves, of which the first is purely linguistic, the 
second linguistic and topographical. Writers on the ethnology 
of Italy have been hitherto content with the first, namely, the 
broad distinction between the dialects which preserved the Indo- 
European velars (especially the breathed plosive q) as velars or 
back-palatals (gutturals), with or without the addition of a 
w-sound, and the dialects which converted the velars wholly 
into labials, for example, Latinian quis contrasted with Oscan, 
Volscian and Umbrian pis (see further Latin Language). 

This distinction, however, takes us but a little way towards 
an historical grouping of the tribes, since the only Latinian 
dialects of which, besides Latin, we have inscriptions are Faliscan 
and Marsian (see Falisci, Marst); although the place-names 
of the Aequi (q.v.) suggest that they belong to the same group 
in this respect. Except, therefore, for a very small and appar- 
ently isolated area in the north of Latium and south of Etruria, 
all the tribes of Italy, though their idioms differed in certain 
particulars, are left undiscriminated. This presents a strong 
contrast to the evidence of tradition, which asserts very strongly 
(1) the identity of the Sabines and Samnites; (2) the conquest 
of an earlier population by this tribe; and which affords (3) 
clear evidence of the identity of the Sabines with the ruling 
class, i.e. the patricians, at Rome itself (see Sabini; and Rome. 
Early History and Ethnology) . 

Some clue to this enigma may perhaps be found in the second 
principle of classification proposed by the present writer at the 
Congresso Internationale di Scienze Storiche at Rome (Atti del 
Congresso, ii) in 1903. It was on that occasion pointed out that the 
ethnica or tribal and oppidan names of communities belonging 
to the Sabine stock were marked by the use of the suffix -NO- 
as in Sabini; and that there was some linguistic evidence that 
this stratum of population overcame an earlier population, which 
used, generally, ethnica in -CO- or -TI- (as in Marruci, Ardeales, 
transformed later into Marrucini, Ardeatini). 

The validity of this distinction and its results are discussed 
under Sabjni and Volsci, but it is well to state here its chief 

1. Latin will be counted the language of the earlier plebeian 
stratum of the population of Rome and Latium, probably once 
spread over a large area of the peninsula, and akin in some 
degree to the language or languages spoken in north Italy 
before either the Etruscan or the Gallic invasions began. 

2. It would follow, on the other hand, that what is called 
Oscan represented the language of the invading Sabines (more 
correctly Safines), whose racial affinities would seem to be 
of a distinctly more northern cast, and to mark them, like the 
Dorians or Achaeans in Greece, as an early wave of the invaders 
who more than once in later history have vitally influenced the 
fortunes of the tempting southern land into which they forced 
their way. 

3. What is called Volscian, known only from the important 
inscription of the town of Velitrae, and what is called Umbrian, 
known from the famous Iguvine Tables with a few other records, 
would be regarded as Safine dialects, spoken by Safine com- 
munities who had become more or less isolated in the midst 
of the earlier and possibly partly Etruscanized populations, the 
result being that as early as the 4th century B.C. their language 
had suffered corruptions which it escaped both in the Samnite 
mountains and in the independent and self-contained community 
of Rome. 

For fuller details the reader must be referred to the separate 
articles already mentioned, and to Iguvium, Picenum, Osca Lingua, 
M arsi, Aequi, Siculi and Liguria. Such archaeological evidence as 
can be connected with the linguistic data will there be discussed. 

(R. S. C.) 

B. Consolidation of Italy 

We have seen that the name of Italy was originally applied 
only to the southernmost part of the peninsula, and was only 
gradually extended so as to comprise the central regions, such 
as Latium and Campania, which were designated by writers as 
late as Thucydides and Aristotle as in Opicia. The progress of 
this change cannot be followed in detail, but there can be little 
doubt that the extension of the Roman arms, and the gradual 
union of the nations of the peninsula under one dominant power, 
would contribute to the introduction, or rather would make the 
necessity felt, for the use of one general appellation. At first, 
indeed, the term was apparently confined to the regions of the 
central and southern districts, exclusive of Cisalpine Gaul and 
the whole tract north of the Apennines, and this continued to 
be the official or definite signification of the name down to the 
end of the republic. But the natural limits of Italy are so clearly 
marked that the name came to be generally employed as a geo- 
graphical term at a much earlier period. Thus we already find 
Polybius repeatedly applying it in this wider signification to the 
whole country, as far as the foot of the Alps; and it is evident 
from many passages in the Latin writers that this was the familiar 
use of the term in the days of Cicero and Caesar. The official 
distinction was, however, still retained. Cisalpine Gaul, includ- 
ing the whole of northern Italy, still constituted a " province," 
an appellation never applied to Italy itself. As such it was 
assigned to Julius Caesar, together with Transalpine Gaul, 
and it was not till he crossed the Rubicon that he entered Italy 
in the strict sense of the term. 

Augustus was the first who gave a definite administrative 
organization to Italy as a whole, and at the same time gave 
official sanction to that wider acceptation of the name which 
had already established itself in familiar usage, and which has 
continued to prevail ever since. 

The division of Italy into eleven regions, instituted by Augustus 
for administrative purposes, which continued in official use till 
the reign of Constantine, was based mainly on the territorial 
divisions previously existing, and preserved with few exceptions 
the ancient limits. 

The first region comprised Latium (in the more extended sense 
of the term, as including the land of the Volsci, Hernici and 
Aurunci), together with Campania and the district of the 
Picentini. It thus extended from the mouth of the Tiber to 
that of the Silarus (see Latium). 

The second region included Apulia and Calabria (the name 
by which the Romans usually designated the district known to 
the Greeks as Messapia or Iapygia), together with the land of the 
Hirpini, which had usually been considered as a part of Samnium. 

The third region contained Lucania and Bruttium; it was 
bounded on the west coast by the Silarus, on the east by the 

The fourth region comprised all the Samnites (except the 
Hirpini), together with the Sabines and the cognate tribes of 
the Frentani, Marrucini, Marsi, Peligni, Vestini and Aequiculi. 
It was separated from Apulia on the south by the river Tifernus, 
and from Picenum on the north by the Matrinus. 

The fifth region was composed solely of Picenum, extending 
along the coast of the Adriatic from the mouth of the Matrinus 
to that of the Aesis, beyond Ancona. 

The sixth region was formed by Umbria, in the more extended 
sense of the term, as including the Ager Gallicus, along the coast 
of the Adriatic from the Aesis to the Ariminus, and separated 
from Etruria on the west by the Tiber. 

The seventh region consisted of Etruria, which preserved 
its ancient limits, extending from the Tiber to the Tyrrhenian 
Sea, and separated from Liguria on the north by the river 

The eighth region, termed Gallia Cispadana, comprised the 
southern portion of Cisalpine Gaul, and was bounded on the north 
(as its name implied) by the river Padus or Po, from above 
Placentia to its mouth. It was separated from Etruria and 
Umbria by the main chain of the Apennines; and the river 

Emery Walker sc 





Ariminus was substituted for the far-famed Rubicon as its limit 
on the Adriatic. 

The ninth region comprised Liguria, extending along the sea- 
coast from the Varus to the Macra, and inland as far as the river 
Padus, which constituted its northern boundary from its source 
in Mount Vesulus to its confluence with the Trebia just above 

The tenth region included Venetia from the Padus and Adriatic 
to the Alps, to which was annexed the neighbouring peninsula 
of Istria, and to the west the territory of the Cenomani, a Gaulish 
tribe, extending from the Athesis to the Addua, which had 
previously been regarded as a part of Gallia Cisalpina. 

The eleventh region, known as Gallia Transpadana, included 
all the rest of Cisalpine Gaul from the Padus on the south and 
the Addua on the east to the foot of the Alps. 

The arrangements thus established by Augustus continued 
almost unchanged till the time of Constantine, and formed the 
basis of all subsequent administrative divisions until the fall 
of the Western empire. 

The mainstay of the Roman military control of Italy first, 
and of the whole empire afterwards, was the splendid system of 
roads. As the supremacy of Rome extended itself 
over Italy, the Roman road system grew step by step, 
each fresh conquest being marked by the pushing forward of 
roads through the heart of the newly-won territory, and the 
establishment of fortresses in connexion with them. It was in 
Italy that the military value of a network of roads was first 
appreciated by the Romans, and the lesson stood them in good 
stead in the provinces. And it was for military reasons that 
from mere cart-tracks they were developed into permanent 
highways (T. Ashby, in Papers of the British School at Rome, 
i. 129). From Rome itself roads radiated in all directions. 
Communications with the south-east were mainly provided 
by the Via Appia (the " queen of Roman roads," as Statius called 
it) and the Via Latina, which met close to Casilinum, at the 
crossing of the Volturnus, 3 m. N.W. of Capua, the second city in 
Italy in the 3rd century B.C., and the centre of the road system 
of Campania. Here the Via Appia turned eastward towards 
Beneventum, while the Via Popilia continued in a south-easterly 
direction through the Campanian plain and thence southwards 
through the mountains of Lucania and Bruttii as far as Rhegium. 
Coast roads of minor importance as means of through com- 
munication also existed on both sides of the " toe " of the boot. 
Other roads ran south from Capua to Cumae, Puteoli (the most 
important harbour of Campania), and Neapolis, which could 
also be reached by a coast road from Minturnae on the Via Appia. 
From Beneventum, another important road centre, the Via 
Appia itself ran south-east through the mountains past Venusia 
to Tarentum on the south-west coast of the " heel," and thence 
across Calabria to Brundusium, while Trajan's correction of it, 
following an older mule-track, ran north-east through the moun- 
tains and then through the lower ground of Apulia, reaching the 
coast at Barium. Both met at Brundusium, the principal port 
for the East. From Aequum Tuticum, on the Via Traiana, 
the Via Herculia ran to the south-east, crossing the older Via 
Appia, then south to Potentia and so on to join the Via Popilia 
in the centre of Lucania. 

The only highroad of importance which left Rome and ran 
eastwards, the Via • Valeria, was not completed as far as the 
Adriatic before the time of Claudius; but on the north and north- 
west started the main highways which communicated with central 
and northern Italy, and with all that part of the Roman empire 
which was accessible by land. The Via Salaria, a very ancient 
road, with its branch, the Via Caecilia, ran north-eastwards to 
the Adriatic coast and so also did the Via Flaminia, which reached 
the coast at Fanum Fortunae, and thence followed it to Ariminum. 
The road along the east coast from Fanum Fortunae down to 
Barium, which connected the terminations of the Via Salaria 
and Via Valeria, and of other roads farther south crossing from 
Campania, had no special name in ancient times, as far as we 
know. The Via Flaminia was the earliest and most important 
road to the north; and it was soon extended (in 187 B.C.) by 

the Via Aemilia running through Bononia as far as Placentia, 
in an almost absolutely straight line between the plain of the 
Po and the foot of the Apennines. In the same year a road was 
constructed over the Apennines from Bononia to Arretium, but 
it is difficult to suppose that it was not until later that the Via 
Cassia was made, giving a direct communication between 
Arretium and Rome. The Via Clodia was an alternative route 
to the Cassia for the first portion out of Rome, a branch having 
been built at the same time from Florentia to Lucca and Luna. 
Along the west coast the Via Aurelia ran up to Pisa and was 
continued by another Via Aemilia to Genoa. Thence the Via 
Postumia led to Dertona, Placentia and Cremona, while the Via 
Aemilia and the Via Julia Augusta continued along the coast into 
Gallia Narbonensis. 

The road system of Cisalpine Gaul was mainly cok Utioned 
by the rivers which had to be crossed, and the Alpine passes 
which had to be approached. 

Cremona, on the north bank of the Po, was an important 
meeting point of roads and Hostilia (Ostiglia) another; so also 
was Patavium, farther east, and Altinum and Aquileia farther 
east still. Roads, indeed, were almost as plentiful as railways 
at the present day in the basin of the Po. 

As to the roads leading out of Italy, from Aquileia roads 
diverged northward into Raetia, eastward to Noricum and 
Pannonia, and southwards to the Istrian and Dalmatian coasts. 
Farther west came the roads over the higher Alpine passes — 
the Brenner from Verona, the Septimer and the Spliigen from 
Clavenna (Chiavenna), the Great and the Little St Bernard from 
Augusta Praetoria (Aosta) , and the Mont Genevre from Augusta 
Taurinorum (Turin). 

Westward two short but important roads led on each side of 
the Tiber to the great harbour at its mouth; while the coast 
of Latium was supplied with a coast road by Septimius Severus. 
To the south-west the roads were short and of little importance. 

On ancient Italian geography in general see articles in Pauly- 
Wissowa, Realer.cyclopadie (1899, sqq.); Corpus inscriptionum 
Latinarum (Berlin, 1862 sqq.) ; G. Stranorello, Geografia dell' Italia 
(Turin, 1890-1892); H. Nissen, Italische Landeskunde (Berlin, 1883- 
1902) ; also references in articles Rome, Latium, &c. (T. As.) 

C. From 476 to 1796 

The year 476 opened a new age for the Italian people. Odoacer, 
a chief of the Herulians, deposed Romulus, the last Augustus 
of the West, and placed the peninsula beneath the titular sway 
of the Byzantine emperors. At Pavia the barbarian conquerors 
of Italy proclaimed him king, and he received from Zeno the 
dignity of Roman patrician. Thus began that system of mixed 
government, Teutonic and Roman, which, in the absence of a 
national monarch, impressed the institutions of new Italy from 
the earliest date with dualism. The same revolution vested 
supreme authority in a non-resident and inefficient autocrat, 
whose title gave him the right to interfere in Italian affairs, but 
who lacked the power and will to rule the people for his own or 
their advantage. Odoacer inaugurated that long series of foreign 
rulers — Greeks, Franks, Germans, Spaniards and Austrians — 
who have successively contributed to the misgovernment of 
Italy from distant seats of empire. 

I. Gothic and Lombard Kingdoms. — In 488 Theodoric, king of 
the East Goths, received commission from the Greek emperor, 
Zeno, to undertake the affairs of Italy. He defeated Odoacer, 
drove him to Ravenna, besieged him there, and in 493 completed 
the conquest of the country by murdering the Herulian- chief 
with his own hand. Theodoric respected the Roman institutions 
which he found in Italy, held the Eternal City sacred, and governed 
by ministers chosen from the Roman population. He settled 
at Ravenna, which had been the capital of Italy since the days 
of Honorius, and which still testifies by its monuments to the 
Gothic chieftain's Romanizing policy. Those who believe that 
the Italians would have gained strength by unification in a single 
monarchy must regret that this Gothic kingdom lacked the 
elements of stability. The Goths, except in the valley of the 
Po, resembled an army of occupation rather than a people 
numerous enough to blend with the Italic stock. Though their 




rule was favourable to the Romans, they were Arians; and 
religious differences, combined with the pride and jealousies 
of a nation accustomed to imperial honours, rendered the in- 
habitants of Italy eager to throw off their yoke. When, there- 
fore, Justinian undertook the reconquest of Italy, his generals, 
Belisarius and Narses, were supported by the south. The struggle 
of the Greeks and the Goths was carried on for fourteen years, 
between 539 and 553, when Teias, the last Gothic king, was 
finally defeated in a bloody battle near Vesuvius. At its close 
the provinces of Italy were placed beneath Greek dukes, controlled 
by a governor-general, entitled exarch, who ruled in the Byzantine 
emperor's name at Ravenna. 

This new settlement lasted but a few years. Narses had 
employed Lombard auxiliaries in his campaigns against the 
The Goths; and when he was recalled by an insulting 

Lombards, message from the empress in 565, he is said to have 
invited this fiercest and rudest of the Teutonic clans 
to seize the spoils of Italy. Be this as it may, the Lombards, 
their ranks swelled by the Gepidae, whom they had lately 
conquered, and by the wrecks of other barbarian tribes, passed 
southward under their king Alboin in 568. The Herulian 
invaders had been but a band of adventurers; the Goths were 
an army; the Lombards, far more formidable, were a nation 
in movement. Pa via offered stubborn resistance; but after 
a three years' siege it was taken, and Alboin made it the capital 
of his new kingdom. 

In order to understand the future history of Italy, it is necessary 
to form a clear conception of the method pursued by the Lombards 
in their conquest. Penetrating the peninsula, and advancing 
like a glacier or half-liquid stream of mud, they occupied the 
valley of the Po, and moved slowly downward through the centre 
of the country. Numerous as they were compared with their 
Gothic predecessors, they had not strength or. multitude enough 
to occupy the whole peninsula. Venice, which since the days 
of Attila had offered an asylum to Roman refugees from the 
northern cities, was left untouched. So was Genoa with its 
Riviera. Ravenna, entrenched within her lagoons, remained 
a Greek city. Rome, protected by invincible prestige, escaped. 
The sea-coast cities of the south, and the islands, Sicily, Sardinia 
and Corsica, preserved their independence. Thus the Lombards 
neither occupied the extremities nor subjugated the brain-centre 
of the country. The strength of Alboin's kingdom was in the 
north; his capital, Pavia. As his people pressed southward, 
they omitted to possess themselves of the coasts; and what 
was worse for the future of these conquerors, the original impetus 
of the invasion was checked by the untimely murder of Alboin 
in 573. After this event, the semi-independent chiefs of the 
Lombard tribe, who borrowed the title of dukes from their 
Roman predecessors, seem to have been contented with con- 
solidating their power in the districts each had occupied. The 
duchies of Spoleto in the centre, and of Benevento in the south, 
inserted wedge-like into the middle of the peninsula, and enclos- 
ing independent Rome, were but loosely united to the kingdom 
at Pavia. Italy was broken up into districts, each offering 
points for attack from without, and fostering the seeds of internal 
revolution. Three separate capitals must be discriminated — 
Pavia, the seat of the new Lombard kingdom; Ravenna, the 
garrison city of the Byzantine emperor; and Rome, the rallying 
point of the old nation, where the successor of St Peter was 
already beginning to assume that national protectorate which 
proved so influential in the future. 

It is not necessary to write the history of the Lombard kingdom 
in detail. Suffice it to say that the rule of the Lombards proved 
at first far more oppressive to the native population, and was 
less intelligent of their old customs, than that of the Goths had 
been. Wherever the Lombards had the upper hand, they placed 
the country under military rule, resembling in its general 
character what we now know as the feudal system. Though 
there is reason to suppose that the Roman laws were still ad- 
ministered within the cities, yet the Lombard code was that of 
the kingdom; and the Lombards being Arians, they added the 
oppression of religious intolerance to that of martial despotism 

and barbarous cupidity. The Italians were reduced to the 
last extremity when Gregory the Great (590-604), having 
strengthened his position by diplomatic relations with the 
duchy of Spoleto, and brought about the conversion of the 
Lombards to orthodoxy, raised the cause of the remaining 
Roman population throughout Italy. The fruit of his policy, 
which made of Rome a counterpoise against the effete empire 
of the Greeks upon the one hand and against the pressure of the 
feudal kingdom on the other, was seen in the succeeding century. 
When Leo the Isaurian published his decrees against the worship 
of images in 726, Gregory II. allied himself with Liudprand, 
the Lombard king, threw off allegiance to Byzantium, and 
established the autonomy of Rome. This pope initiated the 
dangerous policy of playing one hostile force off against another 
with a view to securing independence. He used the Lombards 
in his struggle with the Greeks, leaving to his successors the 
duty of checking these unnatural allies. This was accomplished 
by calling the Franks in against the Lombards. Liudprand 
pressed hard, not only upon the Greek dominions of the exarchate, 
but also upon Rome. His successors, Rachis and Aistolf, 
attempted to follow the same game of conquest. But the popes, 
Gregory III., Zachary and Stephen II., determining at any 
cost to espouse the national cause and to aggrandize their own 
office, continued to rely upon the Franks. Pippin twice crossed 
the Alps, and forced Aistolf to relinquish his acquisitions, 
including Ravenna, Pentapolis, the coast towns of Romagna 
and some cities in the duchy of Spoleto. These he handed 
over to the pope, of Rome. This donation of Pippin in 756 
confirmed the papal see in the protectorate of the Italic party, 
and conferred upon it sovereign rights. The virtual outcome 
of the contest carried on by Rome since the year 726 with 
Byzantium and Pavia was to place the popes in the position 
held by the Greek exarch, and to confirm the limitation of the 
Lombard kingdom. We must, however, be cautious to remember 
that the south of Italy was comparatively unaffected. The 
dukes of the Greek empire and the Lombard dukes erf Benevento, 
together with a few autonomous commercial cities, still divided 
Italy below the Campagna of Rome (see Lombards). 

II. Frankish Emperors. — The Franko-Papal alliance, which 
conferred a crown on Pippin and sovereign rights upon the see 
of Rome, held within itself that ideal of mutually Charles 
supporting papacy and empire which exercised so the Great 
powerful an influence in medieval history. When aaa the 
Charles the Great (Charlemagne) deposed his father-in- uneians. 
law Desiderius, the last Lombard king, in 774, and 
when he received the circlet of the empire from Leo III. at Rome 
in 800, he did but complete and ratify the compact offered to 
his grandfather, Charles Martel, by Gregory III. The relations 
between the new emperor and the pope were ill defined; and 
this proved the source of infinite disasters to Italy and Europe 
in the sequel. But for the moment each seemed necessary to 
the other; and that sufficed. Charles took possession of the 
kingdom of Italy, as limited by Pippin's settlement. The pope 
was confirmed in his rectorship of the cities ceded by Aistolf, 
with the further understanding, tacit rather than expressed, 
that, even as he had wrung these provinces for the Italic people 
from both Greeks and Lombards, so in the future he might 
claim the protectorate of such portions of Italy, external to the 
kingdom, as he should be able to acquire This, at any rate, 
seems to be the meaning of that obscure re-settlement of the 
peninsula which Charles effected. The kingdom of Italy, trans- 
mitted on his death by Charles the Great, and afterwards con- 
firmed to his grandson Lothar by the peace of Verdun in 843, 
stretched from the Alps to Terracina. The duchy of Benevento 
remained tributary, but independent. The cities of Gaeta and 
Naples, Sicily and the so-called Theme of Lombardy in South 
Apulia and Calabria, still recognized the Byzantine emperor. 
Venice stood aloof, professing a nominal allegiance to the East. 
The parcels into which the Lombards had divided the peninsula 
remained thus virtually unaltered, except for the new authority 
acquired by the see of Rome. 

Internally Charles left the affairs of the Italian kingdom 




much as he found them, except that he appears to have 
pursued the policy of breaking up the larger fiefs of the Lombards, 
substituting counts for their dukes, and adding to the privileges 
of the bishops. We may reckon these measures among the 
earliest advantages extended to the cities, which still contained 
the bulk of the old Roman population, and which were destined 
to intervene with decisive effect two centuries later in Italian 
history. It should also here be noticed that the changes intro- 
duced into the holding of the fiefs, whether by altering their 
boundaries or substituting Frankish for Lombard vassals, 
were chief among the causes why the feudal system took no 
permanent hold in Italy. Feudalism was not at any time a 
national institution. The hierarchy of dukes and marquises 
and counts consisted of foreign soldiers imposed on the indigenous 
inhabitants; and the rapid succession of conquerors, Lombards, 
Franks and Germans following each other at no long interval, 
and each endeavouring to weaken the remaining strength of his 
predecessor, prevented this alien hierarchy from acquiring 
Ixity by permanence of tenure. Among the many miseries 
.nflicted upon Italy by the frequent changes of her northern 
rulers, this at least may be reckoned a blessing. 

The Italians acknowledged eight kings of the house of Charles 
the Great, ending in Charles the Fat, who was deposed in 888. 
Frankish After them followed ten sovereigns, some of whom 
and have been misnamed Italians by writers too eager 

Italian t0 ca t c h at any resemblance of national glory for a 
* people passive in the hands of foreign masters. The 

truth is that no period in Italian history was less really glorious 
than that which came to a close in 961 by Berengar II. 's cession 
of his rights to Otto the Great. It was a period marked in the 
first place by the conquests of the Saracens, who began to occupy 
Sicily early in the oth century, overran Calabria and Apulia, took 
Bari and threatened Rome. In the second place it was marked 
by a restoration of the Greeks to power. In 890 they established 
themselves again at Bari, and ruled the Theme of Lombardy by 
means of an officer entitled Catapan. In the third place it was 
marked by a decline of good government in Rome. Early in the 
10th century the papacy fell into the hands of a noble family, 
known eventually as the counts of Tusculum, who almost 
succeeded in rendering the office hereditary, and in uniting the 
civil and ecclesiastical functions of the city under a single member 
of their house. It is not necessary to relate the scandals of 
Marozia's and Theodora's female reign, the infamies of John XII. 
or the intrigues which tended to convert Rome into a duchy. 
The most important fact for the historian of Italy to notice is 
that during this time the popes abandoned, not only their high 
duties as chiefs of Christendom, but also their protectorate of 
Italian liberties. A fourth humiliating episode in this period 
was the invasion of the Magyar barbarians, who overran the 
north of Italy, and reduced its fairest provinces to the condition 
of a wilderness. Anarchy and misery are indeed the main 
features of that long space of time which elapsed between the 
death of Charles the Great and the descent of Otto. Through 
the almost impenetrable darkness and confusion we only discern 
this much, that Italy was powerless to constitute herself a 

The discords which followed on the break-up of the Carolingian 
power, and the weakness of the so-called Italian emperors, who 
were unable to control the feudatories (marquises of Ivrea and 
Tuscany, dukes of Friuli and Spoleto), from whose ranks they 
sprang, exposed Italy to ever-increasing misrule. The country 
by this time had become thickly covered over with castles, the 
seats of greater or lesser nobles, all of whom were eager to detach 
themselves from strict allegiance to the " Regno." The cities, 
exposed to pillage by Huns in the north and Saracens in the 
south, and ravaged on the coast by Norse pirates, asserted their 
right to enclose themselves with walls, and taught their burghers 
the use of arms. Within the circuit of their ramparts, the bishops 
already began to exercise authority in rivalry with the counts, 
to whom, since the days of Theodoric, had been entrusted the 
government of the Italian burghs. Agreeably to feudal customs, 
these nobles, as they grew in power, retired from the town, 

and built themselves fortresses on points of vantage in the 
neighbourhood. Thus the titular king of Italy found himself 
simultaneously at war with those great vassals who had chosen 
him from their own class, with the turbulent factions of the 
Roman aristocracy, with unruly bishops in the growing cities 
and with the multitude of minor counts and barons who occupied 
the open lands, and who changed sides according to the interests 
of the moment. The last king of the quasi-Italian succession, 
Berengar II., marquis of Ivrea (951-961), made a vigorous effort 
to restore the authority of the regno; and had he succeeded, it 
is not impossible that now at the last moment Italy might have 
become an independent nation. But this attempt at unification 
was reckoned to Berengar for a crime. He only won the hatred 
of all classes, and was represented by the obscure annalists of 
that period as an oppressor of the church and a remorseless 
tyrant. In Italy, divided between feudal nobles and almost 
hereditary ecclesiastics, of foreign blood and alien sympathies, 
there was no national feeling. Berengar stood alone against a 
multitude, unanimous in their intolerance of discipline. His 
predecessor in the kingdom, Lothar, had left a young and 
beautiful widow, Adelheid. Berengar imprisoned her upon the 
Lake of Como, and threatened her with a forced marriage to his 
son Adalbert. She escaped to the castle of Canossa, where the 
great count of Tuscany espoused her cause, and appealed in 
her behalf to Otto the Saxon. The king of Germany descended 
into Italy, and took Adelheid in marriage. After this episode 
Berengar was more discredited and impotent than ever. In the 
extremity of his fortunes he had recourse himself to Otto, making 
a formal cession of the Italian kingdom, in his own name and 
that of his son Adalbert, to the Saxon as his overlord. By this 
slender tie the crown of Italy was joined to that of Germany; 
and the formal right of the elected king of Germany to be con- 
sidered king of Italy and emperor may be held to have accrued 
from this epoch. 

III. The German Emperors. — Berengar gained nothing by 
his act of obedience to Otto. The great Italian nobles, in their 
turn, appealed to Germany. Otto entered Lombardy gaxon 
in 961, deposed Berengar, assumed the crown in San and Fran- 
Ambrogio at Milan, and in 962 was proclaimed conian 
emperor by John XII. at Rome. Henceforward emoero "- 
Italy changed masters according as one or other of the German 
families' assumed supremacy beyond the Alps. It is one of the 
strongest instances furnished by history of the fascination 
exercised by an idea that the Italians themselves should have 
grown to glory in this dependence of their nation upon Caesars 
who had nothing but a name in common with the Roman 
Imperator of the past. 

The first thing we have to notice in this revolution which 
placed Otto the Great upon the imperial throne is that the 
Italian kingdom, founded by the Lombards, recognized by 
the Franks and recently claimed by eminent Italian feudatories, 
virtually ceased to exist. It was merged in the German kingdom; 
and, since for the German princes Germany was of necessity 
their first care, Italy from this time forward began to be left 
more and more to herself. The central authority of Pavia had 
always been weak; the regno had proved insufficient to combine 
the nation. But now even that shadow of union disappeared, 
and the Italians were abandoned to the slowly working influences 
which tended to divide them into separate states. The most 
brilliant period of their chequered history, the period which 
includes the rise of communes, the exchange of municipal 
liberty for despotism and the gradual discrimination of the five 
great powers (Milan, Venice, Florence, the Papacy and the 
kingdom of Naples), now begins. Among the centrifugal forces 
which determined the future of the Italian race must be reckoned, 
first and foremost, the new spirit of municipal independence. 
We have seen how the cities enclosed themselves with walls, 
and how the bishops defined their authority against that of 
the counts. Otto encouraged this revolution by placing the 
enclosures of the chief burghs beyond the jurisdiction of the 
counts. Within those precincts the bishops and the citizens were 
independent of all feudal masters but the emperor. He further 




broke the power of the great vassals by redivisions of their feuds, 
and by the creation of jiew marches which he assigned to his 
German followers. In this way, owing to the dislocation of the 
ancient aristocracy, to the enlarged jurisdiction of a power so 
democratic as the episcopate, and to the increased privileges of 
the burghs, feudalism received a powerful check in Italy. The 
Italian people, that people which gave to the world the commerce 
and the arts of Florence, was not indeed as yet apparent. But the 
conditions under which it could arise, casting from itself all 
foreign and feudal trammels, recognizing its true past in ancient 
Rome, and reconstructing a civility out of the ruins of those 
glorious memories, were now at last granted. The nobles from 
this time forward retired into the country and the mountains, 
fortified themselves in strong places outside the cities, and gave 
their best attention to fostering the rural population. Within 
the cities and upon the open lands the Italians, in this and 
the next century, doubled, trebled and quadrupled their 
numbers. A race was formed strong enough to keep the 
empire itself in check, strong enough, except for its own 
internecine contests, to have formed a nation equal to its 
happier neighbours. 

The recent scandals of the papacy induced Otto to deprive 
the Romans of their right to elect popes. But when he died 
in 973, his son Otto II. (married to Theophano of the imperial 
Byzantine house) and his grandson, Otto III., who descended 
into Italy in 996, found that the affairs of Rome and of the 
southern provinces were more than even their imperial powers 
could cope with. The faction of the counts of Tusculum raised 
its head from time to time in the Eternal City, and Rome still 
claimed to be a commonwealth. Otto III.'s untimely death in 
1002 introduced new discords. Rome fell once more into the 
hands of her nobles. The Lombards chose Ardoin, marquis of 
Ivrea, for king, and Pavia supported his claims against those of 
Henry of Bavaria, who had been elected in Germany. Milan 
sided with Henry; and this is perhaps the first eminent instance 
of cities being reckoned powerful allies in the Italian disputes of 
sovereigns. It is also the first instance of that bitter feud 
between the two great capitals of Lombardy, a feud rooted in 
ancient antipathies between the Roman population of Medio- 
lanum and the Lombard garrison of Alboin's successors, which 
proved so disastrous to the national cause. Ardoin retired to 
a monastery, where he died in 1015. Henry nearly destroyed 
Pavia, was crowned in Rome and died in 1024. After this event 
Heribert, the archbishop ofjklilan, invited Conrad, the Franconian 
king of Germany, into Italy, and crowned him with the iron 
crown of the kingdom. 

The intervention of this man, Heribert, compels us to turn a 
closer glance upon the cities of North Italy. It is here, at the 
Heribert present epoch and for the next two centuries, that the 
and the pith and nerve of the Italian nation must be sought; 
Lombard anc j amon g the burghs of Lombardy, Milan, the eldest 
urg s ' daughter of ancient Rome, assumes the lead. In 
Milan we hear for the first time the word Comune. In Milan 
the citizens first form themselves into a Parlamenlo. In Milan 
the archbishop organizes the hitherto voiceless, defenceless 
population into a community capable of expressing its needs, 
and an army ready to maintain its rights. To Heribert is 
attributed the invention of the Carroccio, which played so 
singular and important a part in the warfare of Italian cities. 
A huge car drawn by oxen, bearing the standard of the burgh, 
and carrying an altar with the host, this carroccio, like the ark 
of the Israelites, formed a rallying point in battle, and reminded 
the armed artisans that they had a city and a church to fight for. 
That Heribert 's device proved effectual in raising the spirit of 
his burghers, and consolidating them into a formidable band of 
warriors, is shown by the fact that it was speedily adopted in 
all the free cities. It must not, however, be supposed that -at 
this epoch the liberties of the burghs were fully developed. The 
mass of the people remained unrepresented in the government; 
and even if the consuls existed in the days of Heribert, they 
were but humble legal officers, transacting business for their 
constituents in the courts of the bishop and his viscount. It 


still needed nearly a century of struggle to render the burghers 
independent of Jordship, with a fully organized commune, 
self-governed in its several assemblies. While making these 
reservations, it is at the same time right to observe that certain 
Italian communities were more advanced upon the path of 
independence than others. This is specially the case with the 
maritime ports. Not to mention Venice, which has not yet 
entered the Italian community, and remains a Greek free city, 
Genoa and Pisa were rapidly rising into ill-defined autonomy. 
Their command of fleets gave them incontestable advantages, 
as when, for instance, Otto II. employed the Pisans in 980 against 
the Greeks in Lower Italy, and the Pisans and Genoese together 
attacked the Saracens of Sardinia in 1017. Still, speaking 
generally, the age of independence for the burghs had only 
begun when Heribert from Milan undertook the earliest 
organization of a force that was to become paramount in peace 
and war. 

Next to Milan, and from the point of view of general politics 
even more than Milan, Rome now claims attention. The 
destinies of Italy depended upon the character which 
the see of St Peter should assume. Even the liberties 
of her republics in the north hung on the issue of a contest which 
in the nth and 12th centuries shook Europe to its farthest 
boundaries. So fatally were the internal affairs of that magnifi- 
cent but unhappy country bound up with concerns which 
brought the forces of the civilized world into play. Her ancient 
prestige, her geographical position and the intellectual primacy 
of her most noble children rendered Italy the battleground of 
principles that set all Christendom in motion, and by the clash 
of which she found herself for ever afterwards divided. During 
the reign of Conrad II., the party of the counts of Tusculum 
revived in Rome; and Crescentius, claiming the title of consul 
in the imperial city, sought once more to control the election 
of the popes. When Henry III., the son of Conrad, entered 
Italy in 1046, he found three popes in Rome. These he abolished, 
and, taking the appointment into his own hands, gave German 
bishops to the see. The policy thus initiated upon the precedent 
laid down by Otto the Great was a remedy for pressing evils. 
It saved Rome from becoming a duchy in the hands of the 
Tusculum house. But it neither raised the prestige of the papacy, 
nor could it satisfy the Italians, who rightly regarded the Roman 
see as theirs. These German popes were short-lived and in- 
efficient. Their appointment, according to notions which defined 
themselves within the church at this epoch, was simoniacal; 
and during the long minority of Henry IV., who succeeded 
his father in 1056, the terrible Tuscan monk, Hildebrand of 
Soana, forged weapons which he used with deadly effect against 
the presumption of the empire. The condition of the church 
seemed desperate, unless it could be purged of crying scandals — 
of the subjection of the papacy to the great Roman nobles, 
of its subordination to the German emperor and of its internal 
demoralization. It was Hildebrand's policy throughout three 
papacies, during which he controlled the counsels of the Vatican, 
and before he himself assumed the tiara, to prepare the mind 
of Italy and Europe for a mighty change. His programme 
included these three points: (1) the celibacy of the clergy; 
(2) the abolition of ecclesiastical appointments made by the 
secular authority; (3) the vesting of the papal election in 
the hands of the Roman clergy and people, presided over by the 
curia of cardinals. How Hildebrand paved the way for these 
reforms during the pontificates of Nicholas II. and Alexander II., 
how he succeeded in raising the papal office from the depths of 
degradation and subjection to illimitable sway over the minds 
of men in Europe, and how his warfare with the empire estab- 
lished on a solid basis the still doubtful independence of the 
Italian burghs, renewing the long neglected protectorate of the 
Italian race, and bequeathing to his successors a national policy 
which had been forgotten by the popes since his great pre- 
decessor Gregory II., forms a chapter in European history which 
must now be interrupted. We have to follow the fortunes of 
unexpected allies, upon whom in no small measure his success 



3 1 

In order to maintain some thread of continuity through the 
perplexed and tangled vicissitudes of the Italian race, it has been 
Norman necessary to disregard those provinces which did not 
conquest immediately contribute to the formation of its history. 
of the For this reason we have left the whole of the south up 
sfcjHe *° t ne present point unnoticed. Sicily in the hands ot 
the Mussulmans, the Theme of Lombardy abandoned to 
the weak suzerainty of the Greek catapans, the Lombard duchy 
of Benevento slowly falling to pieces and the maritime republics 
of Naples, Gaeta and Amalfi extending their influence by com- 
merce in the Mediterranean, were in effect detached from the 
Italian regno, beyond the jurisidiction of Rome, included in no 
parcel of Italy proper. But now the moment had arrived when 
this vast group of provinces, forming the future kingdom of the 
Two Sicilies, was about to enter definitely and decisively within 
the bounds of the Italian community. Some Norman adventurers, 
on pilgrimage to St Michael's shrine on Monte Gargano, lent 
their swords in 1017 to the Lombard cities of Apulia against the 
Greeks. Twelve years later we find the Normans settled at 
Aversa under their Count Rainulf . From this station as a centre 
the little band of adventurers, playing the Greeks off against the 
Lombards, and the Lombards against the Greeks, spread their 
power in all directions, until they made themselves the most con- 
siderable force in southern Italy William of Hauteville was 
proclaimed count of Apulia. His half-brother, Robert Wiskard 
or Guiscard, after defeating the papal troops at Civitella in 1053, 
received from Leo IX. the investiture of all present and future 
conquests in Apulia, Calabria and Sicily, which he agreed to hold 
as fiefs of the Holy See. Nicholas II. ratified this grant, and con- 
firmed the title of count. Having consolidated their possessions 
on the mainland, the Normans, under Robert Guiscard's brother, 
the great Count Roger, undertook the conquest of Sicily in 1060. 
After a prolonged struggle of thirty years, they wrested the 
whole island from the Saracens; and Roger, dying in 1101, 
bequeathed to his son Roger a kingdom in Calabria and Sicily 
second to none in Europe for wealth and magnificence. This, 
while the elder branch of the Hauteville family still held the title 
and domains of the Apulian duchy; but in 1127, upon the death 
of his cousin Duke William, Roger united the whole of the future 
realm. In 1130 he assumed the style of king of Sicily, inscribing 
upon his sword the famous hexameter — 

"Appulus et Calaber Siculus mihi servit et Afer." 
This Norman conquest of the two Sicilies forms the most 
romantic episode in medieval Italian history. By the con- 
solidation of Apulia, Calabria and Sicily into a powerful kingdom, 
by checking the growth of the maritime republics and by 
recognizing the over-lordship of the papal see, the house of 
Hauteville influenced the destinies of Italy with more effect than 
any of the princes who had previously dealt with any portion of 
the peninsula. Their kingdom, though Naples was from time to 
time separated from Sicily, never quite lost the cohesion they 
had given it; and all the disturbances of equilibrium in Italy 
were due in after days to papal manipulation, of the rights 
acquired by Robert Guiscard's act of homage. The southern 
regno, in the hands of the popes, proved an insurmountable 
obstacle to the unification of Italy, led to French interference in 
Italian affairs, introduced the Spaniard and maintained in those 
rich southern provinces the reality of feudal sovereignty long 
after this alien element had been eliminated from the rest of 
Italy (see Normans; Sicily: History). 

For the sake of clearness, we have anticipated the course of 
events by nearly a century. We must now return to the date of 
Hildebrand's elevation to the papacy in 1073, when 
lovesti- he cnose the memorable name of Gregory VII. In 
tuns. the next year after his election Hildebrand convened 

a council, and passed measures enforcing the celibacy 
of the clergy. In 1075 ne caused the investiture of ecclesiastical 
dignitaries by secular potentates of any degree to be condemned. 
These two reforms, striking at the most cherished privileges and 
most deeply-rooted self-indulgences of the aristocratic caste in 
Europe, inflamed the bitterest hostility. Henry IV., king of 
Germany, but not crowned emperor, convened a diet in the 

following year at Worms, where Gregory was deposed and ex- 
communicated. The pope followed with a counter excommunica- 
tion, far more formidable, releasing the king's subjects from 
their oaths of allegiance. War was thus declared between the 
two chiefs of western Christendom, that war of investitures 
which out-lasted the lives of both Gregory and Henry, and was 
not terminated till the year 1122. The dramatic episodes of this 
struggle are too well known to be enlarged upon. In his single- 
handed duel with the strength of Germany, Gregory received 
material assistance from the Countess Matilda of Tuscany. She 
was the last heiress of the great house of Canossa, whose fiefs 
stretched from Mantua across Lombardy, passed the Apennines, 
included the Tuscan plains, and embraced a portion of the duchy 
of Spoleto. It was in her castle of Canossa that Henry IV. per- 
formed his three days' penance in the winter of 1077; and there 
she made the cession of her vast domains to the church. That 
cession, renewed after the death of Gregory to his successors, 
conferred upon the popes indefinite rights, of which they after- 
wards availed themselves in the consolidation of their temporal 
power. Matilda died in the year 1115. Gregory had passed 
before her from the scene of his contest, an exile at Salerno, 
whither Robert Guiscard carried him in 1084 from the anarchy of 
rebellious Rome. With unbroken spirit, though the objects of 
his life were unattained, though Italy and Europe had been 
thrown into confusion, and the issue of the conflict was still 
doubtful, Gregory expired in 1085 with these words on his lips: " I 
loved justice, I hated iniquity, therefore in banishment I die." 

The greatest of the popes thus breathed his last; but the new 
spirit he had communicated to the papacy was not destined to 
expire with him. Gregory's immediate successors, Victor III., 
Urban II. and Paschal II., carried on his struggle with Henry 

IV. and his imperial antipopes, encouraging the emperor's son 
to rebel against him, and stirring up Europe for the first crusade. 
When Henry IV. died, his own son's prisoner, in 1106, Henry 

V. crossed the Alps, entered Rome, wrung the imperial coronation 
from Paschal II. and compelled the pope to grant his claims 
on the investitures. Scarcely had he returned to Germany when 
the Lateran disavowed all that the pope had done, on the score 
that it had been extorted by force. France sided with the 
church. Germany rejected the bull of investiture. A new 
descent into Italy, a new seizure of Rome, proved of no avail. 
The emperor's real weakness was in Germany, where his subjects 
openly expressed their discontent. He at last abandoned the 
contest which had distracted Europe. By the concordat of 
Worms, 1 1 22, the emperor surrendered the right of investiture 
by ring and staff, and granted the right of election to the clergy. 
The popes were henceforth to be chosen by the cardinals, the 
bishops by the chapters subject to the pope's approval. On 
the other hand the pope ceded to the emperor the right of 
investiture by the sceptre. But the main issue of the struggle 
was not in these details of ecclesiastical government; principles 
had been at stake far deeper and more widely reaching. The 
respective relations of pope and emperor, ill-defined in the 
compact between Charles the Great and Leo III., were brought 
in question, and tlie two chief potentates of Christendom, no 
longer tacitly concordant, stood against each other in irreconcil- 
able rivalry. Upon this point, though the battle seemed to be 
a drawn one, the popes were really victors. They remained 
independent of the emperor, but the emperor had still to seek 
the crown at their hands. The pretensions of Otto the Great 
and Henry III. to make popes were gone for ever (see Papacy; 

IV. Age of the Communes. — The final gainers, however, by the 
war of investitures were the Italians. In the first place, from 
this time forward, owing to the election of popes by 
the Roman curia, the Holy See remained in the hands /^° 
of Italians; and this, though it was by no means an cities. 
unmixed good, was a great glory to the nation. In the 
next place, the antagonism of the popes to the emperors, which 
became hereditary in the Holy College, forced the former to 
assume the protectorate of the national cause. But by far th<? 
greatest profit the Italians reaped was the emancipation of their 




burghs. During the forty-seven years' war, when pope and 
emperor were respectively bidding for their alliance, and offering 
concessions to secure their support, the communes grew in 
self-reliance, strength and liberty. As the bishops had helped 
to free them from subservience to their feudal masters, so the 
war of investitures relieved them of dependence on their bishops. 
The age of real autonomy, signalized by the supremacy of consuls 
in the cities, had arrived. 

In the republics, as we begin to know them after the war of 
investitures, government was carried on by officers called consuls, 
varying in number according to custom and according to the 
division of the town into districts. These magistrates, as we 
have already seen, were originally appointed to control and 
protect the humbler classes. But, in proportion as the people 
gained more power in the field the consuls rose into importance, 
superseded the bishops and began to represent the city in trans- 
actions with its neighbours. Popes and emperors who needed 
the assistance of a city, had to seek it from the consuls, and thus 
these officers gradually converted an obscure and indefinite 
authority into what resembles the presidency of a common- 
wealth. They were supported by a deliberative assembly, 
called credenza, chosen from the more distinguished citizens. 
In addition to this privy council, we find a gran consiglio, consist- 
ing of the burghers who had established the right to interfere 
immediately in public affairs, and a still larger assembly called 
parlamento, which included the whole adult population. Though 
the institutions of the communes varied in different localities, 
this is the type to which they all approximated. It will be 
perceived that the type was rather oligarchical than strictly 
democratic. Between the parlamento and the consuls with their 
privy council, or credenza, was interposed the gran consiglio of 
privileged burghers. These formed the aristocracy of the town, 
who by their wealth and birth held its affairs within their custody. 
There is good reason to believe that, when the term popolo 
occurs, it refers to this body and not to the whole mass of the 
population. The comune included the entire city — bishop, 
consuls, oligarchy, councils, handicraftsmen, proletariate. The 
popolo was the governing or upper class. It was almost inevitable 
in the transition from feudalism to democracy that this inter- 
mediate ground should be traversed; and the peculiar Italian 
phrases, primo popolo, secondo popolo, terzo popolo, and so forth, 
indicate successive changes, whereby the oligarchy passed from 
one stage to another in its progress toward absorption in 
democracy or tyranny. 

Under their consuls the Italian burghs rose to a great height 
of prosperity and splendour. Pisa built her Duomo. Milan 
undertook the irrigation works which enriched the soil of 
Lombardy for ever. Massive walls, substantial edifices, com- 
modious seaports, good roads, were the benefits conferred by this 
new government on Italy. It is also to be noticed that the 
people now began to be conscious of their past. They recognized 
the fact that their blood was Latin as distinguished from Teutonic, 
and that they must look to ancient Rome for those memories 
which constitute a people's nationality. At this epoch the study 
of Roman law received a new impulse, and this is the real meaning 
of the legend that Pisa, glorious through her consuls, brought 
the pandects in a single codex from Amalfi. The very name 
consul, no less than the Romanizing character of the best archi- 
tecture of the time, points to the same revival of antiquity. 

The rise of the Lombard communes produced a sympathetic 
revolution in Rome, which deserves to be mentioned in this place. 
A monk, named Arnold of Brescia, animated with the 
la Rome spirit °f the Milanese, stirred up the Romans to shake 
off the temporal sway of their bishop. He attempted, 
in fact, upon a grand scale what was being slowly and quietly 
effected in the northern cities. Rome, ever mindful of her 
unique past, listened to Arnold's preaching. A senate was 
established, and the republic was proclaimed. The title of 
patrician was revived and offered to Conrad, king of Italy, but 
not crowned emperor. Conrad refused it, and the Romans 
conferred it upon one of their own nobles. Though these institu- 
tions borrowed high-sounding titles from antiquity, they were 

in reality imitations of the Lombard civic system. The patrician 
stood for the consuls. The senate, composed of nobles, repre- 
sented the credenza and the gran consiglio. The pope was 
unable to check this revolution, which is now chiefly interesting 
as further proof of the insurgence of the Latin as against the 
feudal elements in Italy at this period (see Rome: History). 

Though the communes gained so much by the war of investi- 
tures, the division of the country between the pope's and 
emperor's parties was no small price to pay for hide- m un i ci . 
pendence. It inflicted upon Italy the ineradicable pa iwars. 
curse of party-warfare, setting city against city, house 
against house, and rendering concordant action for a national 
end impossible. No sooner had the compromise of the investitures 
been concluded than it was manifest that the burghers of the 
new enfranchised communes were resolved to turn their arms 
against each other. We seek in vain an obvious motive for each 
separate quarrel. All we know for certain is that, at this epoch, 
Rome attempts to ruin Tivoli, and Venice Pisa; Milan fights 
with Cremona, Cremona with Crema, Pavia with Verona, 
Verona with Padua, Piacenza with Parma, Modena and Reggio 
with Bologna, Bologna and Faenza with Ravenna and Imola, 
Florence and Pisa with Lucca and Siena, and so on through the 
whole list of cities. The nearer the neighbours, the more rancor- 
ous and internecine is the strife; and, as in all cases where 
animosity is deadly and no grave local causes of dispute are 
apparent, we are bound to conclude that some deeply-seated 
permanent uneasiness goaded these fast growing communities 
into rivalry. Italy was, in fact, too small for her children. As 
the towns expanded, they perceived that they must mutually 
exclude each other. They fought for bare existence, for primacy 
in commerce, for the command of seaports, for the keys of 
mountain passes, for rivers, roads and all the avenues of wealth 
and plenty. The pope's cause and the emperor's cause were of 
comparatively little moment to Italian burghers; and the names 
of Guelph and Ghibelline, which before long began to be heard in 
every street, on every market-place, had no meaning for them. 
These watchwords are said to have arisen in Germany during 
the disputed succession of the empire between 113 5 and 1152, 
when the Welfs of Bavaria opposed the Swabian princes of 
Waiblingen origin. But in Italy, although they were severally 
identified with the papal and imperial parties, they really served 
as symbols for jealousies which altered in complexion from time 
to time and place to place, expressing more than antagonistic 
political principles, and involving differences vital enough to 
split the social fabric to its foundation. 

Under the imperial rule of Lothar the Saxon (1125-1137) and 
Conrad the Swabian (1138-1152), these civil wars increased 
in violence owing to the absence of authority. Neither swabian 
Lothar nor Conrad was strong at home; the former emperors. 
had no influence in Italy, and the latter never entered 
Italy at all. But when Conrad died, the electors chose his 
nephew Frederick, surnamed Barbarossa, who united the rival 
honours of Welf and Waiblingen, to succeed him; and it was 
soon obvious that the empire had a master powerful p^aerick 
of brain and firm of will. Frederick immediately Barbarossa 
determined to reassert the imperial rights in his and the 
southern provinces, and to check the warfare of the Lomba " 1 
burghs. When he first crossed the Alps in 1154, c es ' 
Lombardy was, roughly speaking, divided between two parties, 
the one headed by Pavia professing loyalty to the empire, 
the other headed by Milan ready to oppose its claims. The 
municipal animosities of the last quarter of a century gave 
substance to these factions; yet neither the imperial nor the 
anti-imperial party had any real community of interest with 
Frederick. He came to supersede self-government by consuls, 
to deprive the cities of the privilege of making war on their own 
account and to extort his regalian rights of forage, food and 
lodging for his armies. It was only the habit of interurban 
jealousy which prevented the communes from at once combining 
to resist demands which threatened their liberty of action, and 
would leave them passive at the pleasure of a foreign master. 
The diet was opened at Roncaglia near Piacenza, where Frederick 




listened to the complaints of Como and Lodi against Milan, of 
Pavia against Tortona and of the marquis of Montferrat against 
Asti and Chieri. The plaintiffs in each case were imperialists; 
and Frederick's first action was to redress their supposed griev- 
ances. He laid waste Chieri, Asti and Tortona, then took the 
Lombard crown at Pavia, and, reserving Milan for a future day, 
passed southward to Rome. Outside the gates of Rome he was 
met by a deputation from the senate he had come to supersede, 
who addressed him in words memorable for expressing the 
republican spirit of new Italy face to face with autocratic 
feudalism: " Thou wast a stranger, I have made thee a citizen "; 
it is Rome who speaks: " Thou earnest as an alien from beyond 
the Alps, I have conferred on thee the principality." Moved 
only to scorn and indignation by the rhetoric of these presump- 
tuous enthusiasts, Frederick marched into the Leonine city, and 
took the imperial crown from the hands of Adrian IV. In return 
for this compliance, the emperor delivered over to the pope his 
troublesome rival Arnold of Brescia, who was burned alive by 
Nicholas Breakspear, the only English successor of St Peter. 
The gates of Rome itself were shut against Frederick; and even 
on this first occasion his good understanding with Adrian began 
to suffer. The points of dispute between them related mainly 
to Matilda's bequest, and to the kingdom of Sicily, which the 
pope had rendered independent of the empire by renewing its 
investiture in the name of the Holy See. In truth, the papacy 
and the empire had become irreconcilable. Each claimed 
illimitable authority, and neither was content to abide within 
such limits as would have secured a mutual tolerance. Having 
obtained his coronation, Frederick withdrew to Germany, while 
Milan prepared herself against the storm which threatened. 
In the ensuing struggle with the empire, that great city rose to 
the altitude of patriotic heroism. By their sufferings no less 
than by their deeds of daring, her citizens showed themselves to 
be sublime, devoted and disinterested, winning the purest 
laurels which give lustre to Italian story. Almost in Frederick's 
presence, they rebuilt Tortona, punished Pavia, Lodi, Cremona 
and the marquis of Montferrat. Then they fortified the Adda 
and Ticino, and waited for the emperor's next descent. He 
came in 1158 with a large army, overran Lombardy, raised his 
imperial allies, and sat down before the walls of Milan. Famine 
forced the burghers to partial obedience, and Frederick held a 
victorious diet at Roncaglia. Here the jurists of Bologna 
appeared, armed with their new lore of Roman law, and ex- 
pounded Justinian's code in the interests of the German empire. 
It was now seen how the absolutist doctrines of autocracy 
developed in Justinian's age at Byzantium would bear fruits in 
the development of an imperial idea, which was destined to be 
the fatal mirage of medieval Italy. Frederick placed judges of 
his own appointment, with the title of podesta, in all the Lombard 
communes; and this stretch of his authority, while it exacer- 
bated his foes, forced even his friends to join their ranks against 
him. The war, meanwhile, dragged on. Crema yielded after an 
heroic siege in 1160, and was abandoned to the cruelty of its 
fierce rival Cremona. Milan was invested in 1161, starved into 
capitulation after nine months' resistance, and given up to total 
destruction by the Italian imperialists of Frederick's army, 
so stained and tarnished with the vindictive passions of municipal 
rivalry was even this, the one great glorious strife of Italian 
annals. Having ruined his rebellious city, but not tamed her 
spirit, Frederick withdrew across the Alps. But, in the interval 
between his second and third visit, a league was formed against 
him in north-eastern Lombardy. Verona, Vicenza, Padua, 
Treviso, Venice entered into a compact to defend their liberties; 
and when he came again in 1163 with a brilliant staff of German 
knights, the imperial cities refused to join his standards. This 
vas the first and ominous sign of a coming change. 

Meanwhile the election of Alexander III. to the papacy in 
1 1 59 added a powerful ally to the republican party. Opposed 
by an anti-pope whom the emperor favoured, Alexander found 
it was his truest policy to rely for support upon the anti- 
imperialist communes. They in return gladly accepted a 
champion who lent them the prestige and influence of the 
xv. 2 

church. When Frederick once more crossed the Alps in 1166, he 
advanced on Rome, and besieged Alexander in the Coliseum. But 
the affairs of Lombardy left him no leisure to persecute a 
recalcitrant pontiff. In April 1167 a new league was formed 
between Cremona, Bergamo, Brescia, Mantua and Ferrara. 
In December of the same year this league allied itself with the 
elder Veronese league, and received the addition of Milan, Lodi, 
Piacenza, Parma, Modena and Bologna. The famous league 
of Lombard cities, styled Concordia in its acts of settlement, was 
now established. Novara, Vercelli, Asti and Tortona swelled its 
ranks; only Pavia and Montferrat remained imperialist 
between the Alps and Apennines. Frederick fled for 


his life by the Mont Cenis, and in 1168 the town of 
Alessandria was erected to keep Pavia and the marquisate in check. 
In the emperor's absence, Ravenna, Rimini, Imola and Forli 
joined the league, which now called itself the " Society of Venice, 
Lombardy, the March, Romagna and Alessandria." For the 
fifth time, in 11 74, Frederick entered his rebellious dominions. 
The fortress town of Alessandria stopped his progress with those 
mud walls contemptuously named " of straw," while the forces 
of the league assembled at Modena and obliged him to raise the 
siege. In the spring of n 76 Frederick threatened Milan. His 
army found itself a little to the north of the town near the 
village of Legnano, when the troops of the city, assisted only by 
a few allies from Piacenza, Verona, Brescia, Novara and Vercelli, 
met and overwhelmed it. The victory was complete. Frederick 
escaped alone to Pavia, whence he opened negotiations with 
Alexander. In consequence of these transactions, he was 
suffered to betake himself unharmed to Venice. Here, as upon 
neutral ground, the emperor met the pope, and a truce for six 
years was concluded with the Lombard burghs. Looking back 
from the vantage-ground of history upon the issue of this long 
struggle, we are struck with the small results which satisfied 
the Lombard communes. They had humbled and utterly 
defeated their foreign lord. They had proved their strength 
in combination. Yet neither the acts by which their league was 
ratified nor the terms negotiated for them by their patron 
Alexander evince the smallest desire of what we now understand 
as national independence. The name of Italy is never mentioned. 
The supremacy of the emperor is not called in question. The 
conception of a permanent confederation, bound together in 
Offensive and defensive alliance for common objects, has not 
occurred to these hard fighters and stubborn asserters of their 
civic privileges. All they claim is municipal autonomy; the 
right to manage their own affairs within the city walls, to fight 
their battles as they choose, and to follow their several ends 
unchecked. It is vain to lament that, when they might have 
now established Italian independence upon a secure basis, they 
chose local and municipal privileges. Their mutual jealousies, 
combined with the prestige of the empire, and possibly with the 
selfishness of the pope, who had secured his own position, and 
was not likely to foster a national spirit that would have 
threatened the ecclesiastical supremacy, deprived the Italians 
of the only great opportunity they ever had of forming themselves 
into a powerful nation. 

When the truce expired in 11 83, a permanent peace was 
ratified at Constance. The intervening years had been spent by 
the Lombards, not in consolidating their union, but 
in attempting to secure special privileges for their ^^f" „ 
several cities. Alessandria della Paglia, glorious by stance' 
her resistance to the emperor in n 74, had even 
changed her name to Cesarea ! The signatories of the peace of 
Constance were divided between leaguers and imperialists. 
On the one side we find Vercelli, Novara, Milan, Lodi, Bergamo, 
Brescia, Mantua, Verona, Vicenza, Padua, Treviso, Bologna, 
Faenza, Modena, Reggio, Parma, Piacenza; on the other, 
Pavia, Genoa, Alba, Cremona, Como, Tortona, Asti, Cesarea. 
Venice, who had not yet entered the Italian community, is 
conspicuous by her absence. According to the terms of this 
treaty, the communes were confirmed in their right of self-govern- 
ment by consuls, and their right of warfare. The emperor 
retained the supreme courts of appeal within the cities, and 





his claim for sustenance at their expense when he came into 

The privileges confirmed to the Lombard cities by the peace 
of Constance were extended to Tuscany, where Florence, having 
War of ruined Fiesole, had begun her career of freedom and 
cities prosperity. The next great chapter in the history of 

against Italian evolution is the war of the burghs against the 
nobles. nobles. The consular cities were everywhere sur- 
rounded by castles; and, though the feudal lords had been 
weakened by the events of the preceding centuries, they con- 
tinued to be formidable enemies. It was, for instance, necessary 
to the well-being of the towns that they should possess territory 
round their walls, and this had to be wrested from the nobles. 
We cannot linger over the details of this warfare. It must 
suffice to say that, partly by mortgaging their property to rich 
burghers, partly by entering the service of the cities as condottieri 
(mercenary leaders), partly by espousing the cause of one town 
against another, and partly by forced submission after the siege 
of their strong places, the counts were gradually brought into 
connexion of dependence on the communes. These, in their 
turn, forced the nobles to leave their castles, and to reside for 
at least a portion of each year within the walls. By these 
measures the counts became citizens, the rural population 
ceased to rank as serfs, and the Italo-Roman population of 
the towns absorbed into itself the remnants of Franks, Germans 
and other foreign stocks. It would be impossible to exaggerate 
the importance of this revolution, which ended by destroying 
the last vestige of feudality, and prepared that common Italian 
people which afterwards distinguished itself by the creation of 
European culture. But, like all the vicissitudes, of the Italian 
race, while it was a decided step forward in one direction, it 
introduced a new source of discord. The associated nobles 
proved ill neighbours to the peaceable citizens. They fortified 
their houses, retained their military habits, defied the consuls, 
and carried on feuds in the streets and squares. The war against 
the castles became a war against the palaces; and the system 
of government by consuls proved inefficient to control the 
clashing elements within the state. This led to the establishment 
of podestas, who represented a compromise between two radically 
hostile parties in the city, and whose business it was to arbitrate 
and keep the peace between them. Invariably a foreigner, 
elected for a year with power of life and death and control of 
the armed force, but subject to a strict account at the expiration 
of his office, the podesta might be compared to a dictator invested 
with limited authority. His title was derived from that of 
Frederick Barbarossa's judges; but he had no dependence on 
the empire. The citizens chose him, and voluntarily submitted 
to his rule. The podesta marks an essentially transitional state 
in civic government, and his intervention paved the way for 

The thirty years which elapsed between Frederick Barbarossa's 
death in noo and the coronation of his grandson Frederick II. 
in 1 220 form one of the most momentous epochs in 
Italian history. Barbarossa, perceiving the advantage 
that would accrue to his house if he could join the 
crown of Sicily to that of Germany, and thus deprive the popes of 
their allies in Lower Italy, procured the marriage of his son 
Henry VI. to Constance, daughter of King Roger, and heiress of 
the Hauteville dynasty. When William II., the last monarch of 
the Norman race, died, Henry VI. claimed that kingdom in his 
wife's right, and was recognized in 1104. Three years afterwards 
he died, leaving a son, Frederick, to the care of Constance, who 
in her turn died in 1198, bequeathing the young prince, already 
crowned king of Germany, to the guardianship of Innocent III. 
It was bold policy to confide Frederick to his greatest enemy and 
rival; but the pope honourably discharged his duty, until his 
ward outgrew the years of tutelage, and became a fair mark for 
ecclesiastical hostility. Frederick's long minority was occupied 
by Innocent's pontificate. Among the principal events of that 
reign must be reckoned the foundation of the two orders, Fran- 
ciscan and Dominican, who were destined to form a militia for the 
holy see in conflict with the empire and the heretics of Lombardy. 


A second great event was the fourth crusade, undertaken in 1198, 
which established the naval and commercial supremacy of the 
Italians in the Mediterranean. The Venetians, who contracted 
for the transport of the crusaders, and whose blind doge Dandolo 
was first to land in Constantinople, received one-half and one- 
fourth of the divided Greek empire for their spoils. The Venetian 
ascendancy in the Levant dates from this epoch ; for, though the 
republic had no power to occupy all the domains ceded to it, 
Candia was taken, together with several small islands and stations 
on the mainland. The formation of a Latin empire in the East 
increased the pope's prestige; while at home it was his policy to 
organize Countess Matilda's heritage by the formation of Guelph 
leagues, over which he presided. This is the meaning of the three 
leagues, in the March, in the duchy of Spoleto and in Tuscany, 
which now combined the chief cities of the papal territory into 
allies of the holy see. From the Tuscan league Pisa, consistently 
Ghibelline, stood aloof. Rome itself again at this epoch established 
a republic, with which Innocent would not or could not interfere. 
The thirteen districts in their council nominated four caporioni, 
who acted in concert with a senator, appointed, like the podesta 
of other cities, for supreme judicial functions. Meanwhile the 
Guelph and Ghibelline factions were beginning to divide Italy 
into minute parcels. Not only did commune range itself against 
commune under the two rival flags, but party rose up against 
party within the city walls. The introduction of the factions 
into Florence in 121 5, owing to a private quarrel between the 
Buondelmonti, Amidei and Donati, is a celebrated instance of 
what was happening in every burgh. 

Frederick II. was left without a rival for the imperial throne 
in 1 2 18 by the death of Otto IV., and on the 22nd of November 
1220, Honorius III., Innocent's successor, crowned 
him in Rome. It was impossible for any section of the P^derkA 
Italians to mistake the gravity of his access to power. p ' ero ' r a " 
In his single person he combined the prestige of empire 
with the Crowns of Italy, Sicily, Sardinia, Germany and Bur- 
gundy; and in 1225, by marriage with Yolande de Brienne, he 
added that of Jerusalem. There was no prince greater or more 
formidable in the habitable globe. The communes, no less than 
the popes, felt that they must prepare themselves for contest to 
the death with a power which threatened their existence. Already 
in 1 2 18, the Guelphs of Lombardy had resuscitated their old 
league, and had been defeated by the Ghibellines in a battle near 
Ghibello. Italy seemed to lie prostrate before the emperor, who 
commanded her for the first time from the south as well as from 
the north. In 1227 Frederick, who had promised to lead a 
crusade, was excommunicated by Gregory IX. because he was 
obliged by illness to defer his undertaking; and thus the spiritual 
power declared war upon its rival. The Guelph towns of Lom- 
bardy again raised their levies. Frederick enlisted his Saracen 
troops at Nocera and Luceria, and appointed the terrible Ezzelino 
da Romano his vicar in the Marches of Verona to quell their 
insurrection. It was 1236, however, before he was able to take 
the field himself against the Lombards. Having established 
Ezzelino in Verona, Vicenza and Padua, he defeated the Milanese 
and their allies at Cortenuova in 1237, and sent their carroccio as 
a trophy of his victory to Rome. Gregory IX. feared lest the 
Guelph party would be ruined by this check. He therefore 
made alliance with Venice and Genoa, fulminated a new ex- 
communication against Frederick, and convoked a council at 
Rome to ratify his ban in 1241. The Genoese undertook to bring 
the French bishops to this council. Their fleet was attacked at 
Meloria by the Pisans, and utterly defeated. The French prelates 
went in silver chains to prison in the Ghibelline capital of Tuscany. 
So far Frederick had been successful at all points. In 1243 a new 
pope, Innocent IV., was elected, who prosecuted the war with 
still bitterer spirit. Forced to fly to France, he there, at Lyons, 
in r245, convened a council, which enforced his condemnation of 
the emperor. Frederick's subjects were freed from their allegiance, 
and he was declared dethroned and deprived o c all rights. Five 
times king and emperor as he was, Frederick, placed under the 
ban of the church, led henceforth a doomed existence. The 
mendicant monks stirred up the populace to acts of fanatical 




enmity. To plot against him, to attempt his life by poison or 
the sword, was accounted virtuous. His secretary, Piero delle 
Vigne, was wrongly suspected of conspiring. The crimes of his 
vicar Ezzelino, who laid whole provinces waste and murdered men 
by thousands in his Paduan prisons, increased the horror with 
which he was regarded. Parma revolted from him, and he spent 
months in 1 247-1 248 vainly trying to reduce this one time 
faithful city. The only gleam of success which shone on his ill 
fortune was the revolution which placed Florence in the hands of 
the Ghibellines in 1248. Next year Bologna rose against him, 
defeated his troops and took his son Enzio, king of Sardinia, 
prisoner at Fossalta. Hunted to the ground and broken-hearted, 
Frederick expired at the end of 1250 in his Apulian castle of 
Fiorentino. It is difficult to judge his career with fairness. The 
only prince who could, with any probability of success, have 
established the German rule in Italy, his ruin proved the im- 
possibility of that long-cherished scheme. The nation had out- 
grown dependence upon foreigners, and after his death no 
German emperor interfered with anything but miserable failure 
in Italian affairs. Yet from many points of view it might be 
regretted that Frederick was not suffered to rule Italy. By birth 
and breeding an Italian, highly gifted and widely cultivated, 
liberal in his opinions, a patron of literature, a founder of uni- 
versities, he anticipated the spirit of the Renaissance. At his 
court Italian started into being as a language. His laws were 
wise. He was capable of giving 'to Italy a large and noble culture. 
But the commanding greatness of his position proved his ruin. 
Emperor and king of Sicily, he was the natural enemy of popes, 
who could not tolerate so overwhelming a rival, 

After Frederick's death, the popes carried on their war for 
eighteen years against his descendants. The cause of his son 
Conrad was sustained in Lower Italy by Manfred, 
asra/ns7 ar one °f Frederick's many natural children; and, when 
Frede- Conrad died in 1254, Manfred still acted as vicegerent 
***'* for the Swabians, who were now represented by a boy 

sueces' Conradin. Innocent IV. and Alexander IV. continued 
to make head against the Ghibelline party. The most 
dramatic incident in this struggle was the crusade preached 
against Ezzelino. This tyrant had made himself justly odious; 
and when he was hunted to death in 1259, the triumph was less 
for the Guelph cause than for humanity outraged by the 
iniquities of such a monster. The battle between Guelph and 
Ghibelline raged with unintermitting fury. While the former 
faction gained in Lombardy by the massacre of Ezzelino, the 
latter revived in Tuscany after the battle of Montaperti, which 
in 1260 placed Florence at the discretion of the Ghibellines. 
Manfred, now called king of Sicily, headed the Ghibellines, and 
there was no strong counterpoise against him. In this necessity 
Urban IV. and Clement IV. invited Charles of Anjou to enter 
Italy and take the Guelph command. They made him senator 
of Rome and vicar of Tuscany, and promised him the investiture 
of the regno provided he stipulated that it should not be held in 
combination with the empire. Charles accepted these terms, 
and was welcomed by the Guelph party as their chief throughout 
Italy. He defeated Manfred in a battle at Grandella near 
Benevento in 1266. Manfred was killed; and, when Conradin, 
a lad of sixteen, descended from Germany to make good his 
claims to the kingdom, he too was defeated at Tagliacozzo in 
1267. Less lucky than his uncle, Conradin escaped with his 
life, to die upon a scaffold at Naples. His glove was carried to 
his cousin Constance, wife of Peter of Aragon, the last of the 
great Norman-Swabian family. Enzio died in his prison four 
years later. The popes had been successful; but they had 
purchased their bloody victory at a great cost. This first 
invitation to French princes brought with it incalculable evils. 

Charles of Anjou, supported by Rome, and recognized as 
chief in Tuscany, was by far the most formidable of the Italian 
potentates. In his turn he now excited the jealousy of the 
popes, who began, though cautiously, to cast their tfelght into 
the Ghibelline scale. Gregory initiated the policy of establish- 
ing an equilibrium between the parties, which was carried out 
bv his successor Nicholas III. Charles was forced to resign 

the senatorship of Rome and the signoria of Lombardy and 
Tuscany. In 1 282 he received a more decided check, when Sicily 
rose against him in the famous rebellion of the Vespers. ci uw 
He lost the island, which gave itself to Aragon; and f Guelphs 
thus the kingdom of Sicily was severed from that of anj 
Naples, the dynasty in the one being Spanish and Ohlbei- 
Ghibelline, in the other French and Guelph. Mean- 
while a new emperor had been elected, the prudent Rudolf of 
Habsburg, who abstained from interference with Italy, and 
who confirmed the territorial pretensions of the popes by solemn 
charter in 1278. Henceforth Emilia, Romagna, the March of 
Ancona, the patrimony of St Peter and the Campagna of Rome 
held of the Holy See, and not of the empire. The imperial 
chancery, without inquiring closely into the deeds furnished 
by the papal curia, made a deed of gift, which placed the pope 
in the position of a temporal sovereign. While Nicholas III. 
thus bettered the position of the church in Italy, the Guelph party 
grew stronger than ever, through the crushing defeat of the Pisans 
by the Genoese at Meloria in 1284. Pisa, who had ruined 
Amalfi, was now ruined by Genoa. She never held her head 
so high again after this victory, which sent her best and bravest 
citizens to die in the Ligurian dungeons. The Mediterranean 
was left to be fought for by Genoa and Venice, while Guelph 
Florence grew still more powerful in Tuscany. Not long after 
the battle of Meloria Charles of Anjou died, and was succeeded 
by his son Charles II. of Naples, who played no prominent 
part in Italian affairs. The Guelph party was held together 
with a less tight hand even in cities so consistent as Florence. 
Here in the year 1300 new factions, subdividing the old Guelphs 
and Ghibellines under the names of Neri and Bianchi, had 
acquired such force that Boniface VIII., a violently Guelph pope, 
called in Charles of Valois to pacify the republic and undertake 
the charge of Italian affairs. Boniface was a passionate and 
unwise man. After quarrelling with the French king, Philip 
le Bel, he fell into the hands of the Colonna family at Anagni, 
and died, either of the violence he there received or of mortifica- 
tion, in October 1303. 

After the short papacy of Benedict XL a Frenchman, Clement 
V., was elected, and the seat of the papacy was transferred to 
Avignon. Thus began that Babylonian exile of the Tr aas- 
popes which placed them in subjection to the French latioa 
crown and ruined their 'prestige in Italy. Lasting of the 
seventy years, and joining on to the sixty years of ^»P at y'«» 
the Great Schism, this enfeeblement of the papal v « Doi *' 
authority, coinciding as it did with the practical elimination 
of the empire from Italian affairs, gave a long period of com- 
parative independence to the nation. Nor must it be forgotten 
that this exile was due to the policy which induced the pontiffs, 
in their detestation of Ghibellinism, to rely successively upon 
the houses of Anjou and of Valois. This policy it was which 
justified Dante's fierce epigram — the putlaneggiar co regi. 

The period we have briefly traversed was immortalized by 
Dante in an epic which from one point of view might be caHed 
the poem of the Guelphs and Ghibellines. From the foregoing bare 
narration of events it is impossible to estimate the importance 
of these parties, or to understand theii bearing on subsequent 
Italian history. We are therefore forced to pause awhile, and 
probe beneath the surface. The civil wars may be regarded as 
a continuation of the previous municipal struggle, intensified by 
recent hostilities between the burghers and the nobles. The 
quarrels of the church and empire lend pretexts and furnish 
war-cries; but the real question at issue is not the supremacy of 
pope or emperor. The conflict is a social one, between civic 
and feudal institutions, between commercial and military 
interests, between progress and conservatism. Guelph de- 
mocracy and industry idealize the pope. The banner of the 
church waves above the camp of those who aim at positive 
prosperity and republican equality. Ghibelline aristocracy and 
immobility idealize the emperor. The prestige of the empire, 
based upon Roman law and feudal tradition, attracts imaginative 
patriots and systematic thinkers. The two ideals are counter - 
I posed and mutually exclusive. No city calls itself either Guelph 




or Ghibelline till it has expelled one-half of its inhabitants; 
for each party is resolved to constitute the state according to 
its own conception, and the affirmation of the one programme 
is the negation of the other. The Ghibelline honestly believes 
that the Guelphs will reduce society to chaos. The Guelph is 
persuaded that the Ghibellines will annihilate freedom and 
strangle commerce. The struggle is waged by two sets of men 
who equally love their city, but who would fain rule it upon 
diametrically opposite principles, and who fight to the death 
for its possession. This contradiction enters into the minutest 
details of life — armorial bearings, clothes, habits at table, 
symbolize and accentuate the difference. Meanwhile each party 
forms its own organization of chiefs, finance-officers and registrars 
at home, and sends ambassadors to foreign cities of the same 
complexion. A network of party policy embraces and dominates 
the burghs of Italy, bringing the most distant centres into 
relation, and by the very division of the country augmenting 
the sense of nationality. The Italians learn through their dis- 
cords at this epoch that they form one community. .The victory 
in the conflict practically falls to the hitherto unenfranchised 
plebeians. The elder noble families die out or lose their pre- 
ponderance. In some cities, as notably in Florence after the 
date 1292, it becomes criminal to be scioperato, or unemployed 
in industry. New houses rise into importance; a new commercial 
aristocracy is formed. Burghers of all denominations are enrolled 
in one or other of the arts or gilds, and these trading companies 
furnish the material from which the government or signoria 6f 
the city is composed. Plebeian handicrafts assert their right 
to be represented on an equality with learned professions and 
wealthy corporations. The ancient classes are confounded and 
obliterated in a population more homogeneous, more adapted 
for democracy and despotism. 

In addition to the parliament and the councils which have 
been already enumerated, we now find a council of the party 
Newcoa- established within the city. This body tends to 
stitution become a little state within the state, and, by con- 
of the free trolling the victorious majority, disposes of the 
cities. government as it thinks best. The consuls are merged 

in ancients or priors, chosen from the arts. A new magistrate, 
the gonfalonier of justice, appears in some of the Guelph cities, 
with the special duty of keeping the insolence of the nobility 
in check. Meanwhile the podesta. still subsists; but he is no 
longer equal to the task of maintaining an equilibrium of forces. 
He sinks more and more into a judge, loses more and more the 
character of dictator. His ancient place is now occupied by a 
new functionary, no longer acting as arbiter, but concentrating 
the forces of the triumphant party. The captain of the people, 
acting as head of the ascendant Guelphs or Ghibellines, under- 
takes the responsibility of proscriptions, decides on questions of 
policy, forms alliances, declares war. Like all officers created 
to meet an emergency, the limitations to his power are ill- 
defined, and he is often little better than an autocrat. 

Y. Age of the Despots. — Thus the Italians, during the heat of 

the civil wars, were ostensibly divided between partisans of the 

empire and partisans of the church. After the death 

Tynaaies. °f Frederick II. their affairs were managed by Manfred 

and by Charles of Anjou, the supreme captains of 

the parties, under whose orders acted the captains of the 

people in each city. The contest being carried on by warfare, 

it followed that these captains in the burghs were chosen on 

account of military skill; and, since the nobles were men of 

arms by profession, members of ancient houses took the lead 

again in towns where they had been absorbed into the bourgeoisie. 

In this way, after the downfall of the Ezzelini of Romano, the 

Delia Scala dynasty arose in Verona, and the Carraresi in Padua. 

The Estensi made themselves lords of Ferrara; the Torriani 

headed the Guelphs of Milan. At Ravenna we find the Polenta 

family, at Rimini the Malatestas, at Parma the Rossi, at Pia- 

cenza the Scotti, at Faenza the Manfredi. There is not a burgh of 

northern Italy but can trace the rise of a dynastic house to the 

vicissitudes of this period. In Tuscany, where the Guelph party 

was very strongly organized, and the commercial constitution of 

Florence kept the nobility in check, the communes remained as 
yet free from hereditary masters. Yet generals from time to 
time arose, the Conte Ugolino della Gheradesca at Pisa, Uguccione 
della Faggiuola at Lucca, the Conte Guido di Montefeltro at 
Florence, who threatened the liberties of Tuscan cities with 
military despotism. 

Left to themselves by absentee emperors and exiled popes, the 
Italians pursued their own course of development unchecked. 
After the commencement of the 14th century, the civil wars 
decreased in fury, and at the same time it was perceived that 
their effect had been to confirm tyrants in their grasp upon free 
cities. Growing up out of the captain of the people or signore of 
the commune, the tyrant annihilated both parties for his own 
profit and for the peace of the state. He used the dictatorial 
powers with which he was invested to place himself above the 
law, resuming in his person the state-machinery which had 
preceded him. In him, for the first time, the city attained self- 
consciousness; the blindly working forces of previous revolutions 
were combined in the will of a ruler. The tyrant's general policy 
was to favour the multitude at the expense of his own caste. 
He won favour by these means, and completed the levelling down 
of classes, which had been proceeding ever since the emergence of 
the communes. 

In 1309 Robert, grandson of Charles, the first Angevine 
sovereign, succeeded to the throne of Naples, and became the 
leader of the Guelphs in Italy. In the next year Henry 
VII. of Luxembourg crossed the Alps soon after his ofcivtt 
election to the empire, and raised the hopes of the wars. 
Ghibellines. Dante from his mountain solitudes Advent 0/ 
passionately called upon him to play the part of a ~4/ g ^ r " 
Messiah. But it was now impossible for any German 
to control the " Garden of the Empire." Italy had entered on a 
new phase of her existence, and the great poet's De monorchia 
represented a dream of the past which could not be realized. 
Henry established imperial vicars in the Lombard towns, confirm- 
ing the tyrants, but gaining nothing for the empire in exchange 
for the titles he conferred. After receiving the crown in Rome, 
he died at Buonconvento, a little walled town south of Siena, 
on his backward journey in 1313. The profits of his inroad were 
reaped by despots, who used the Ghibelline prestige for the 
consolidation of their own power. It is from this epoch that the 
supremacy of the Visconti, hitherto the unsuccessful rivals of 
the Guelphic Torriani for the signory of Milan, dates. The 
Scaligers in Verona and the Carraresi in Padua were strengthened; 
and in Tuscany Castruccio Castracane, Uguccione's successor 
at Lucca, became formidable. In 13 2 5 he defeated the Florentines 
at Alto Pascio, and carried home their carroccio as a trophy of 
his victory over the Guelphs. Louis of Bavaria, the next 
emperor, made a similar excursion in the year 1327, with even 
greater loss of imperial prestige. He deposed Galeazzo Visconti 
on his downward journey, and offered Milan for a sum of money 
to his son Azzo upon his return. Castruccio Castracane was 
nominated by him duke of Lucca; and this is the first instance 
of a dynastic title conferred upon an Italian adventurer by the 
emperor. Castruccio dominated Tuscany, where the Guelph 
cause, in the weakness of King Robert, languished. But the 
adventurer's death in 1328 saved the stronghold of republican 
institutions, and Florence breathed freely for a while again. Can 
Grande della Scala's death in the next year inflicted on the 
Lombard Ghibellines a loss hardly inferior to that of Castruccio's 
on their Tuscan allies. Equally contemptible in its political 
results and void of historical interest was the brief visit of John of 
Bohemia, son of Henry VII., whom the Ghibellines next invited 
to assume their leadership. He sold a few privileges, conferred 
a few titles, and recrossed the Alps in 1333. It is clear that at 
this time the fury of the civil wars was spent . In spite of repeated 
efforts on the part of the Ghibellines, in spite of King Robert's 
supine incapacity, the imperialists gained no permanent advan- 
tage. The Italians were tired of fighting, and the leaders of both 
factions looked exclusively to their own interests. Each city 
which had been the cradle of freedom thankfully accepted a 
master, to quench the conflagration of party strife, encouragr 




trade, and make the handicraftsmen comfortable. Even the 
Florentines in 1342 submitted for a few months to the despotism 
of the duke of Athens. They conferred the signory upon him 
for life; and, had he not mismanaged matters, he might have 
held the city in his grasp. Italy was settling cown and turning 
her attention to home comforts, arts and literature. Boccaccio, 
the contented bourgeois, succeeded to Dante, the fierce aristocrat. 
The most marked proof of the change which came over Italy 
towards the middle of the 14th century is furnished by the 
companies of adventure. It was with their own militia that the 
burghers won freedom in the war of independence, subdued 
the nobles, and fought the battles of the parties. But from 
this time forward they laid down their arms, and played the 
game of warfare by the aid of mercenaries. Ecclesiastical 
overlords, interfering from a distance in Italian politics; 
prosperous republics, with plenty of money to spend but no 
leisure or inclination for camp-life; cautious tyrants, glad of 
every pretext to emasculate their subjects, and courting popu- 
larity by exchanging conscription for taxation— all combined 
to favour the new system. Mercenary troops are said to have 
been first levied from disbanded Germans, together with Breton 
and English adventurers, whom the Visconti and Castruccio 
took into their pay. They soon appeared under their own 
captains, who hired them out to the highest bidder, or marched 
them on marauding expeditions up and down the less protected 
districts. The names of some of these earliest captains of 
adventure, Fra Moriale, Count Lando and Duke Werner, who 
styled himself the " Enemy of God and Mercy," have been 
preserved to us. As the companies grew in size and improved 
their discipline, it was seen by the Italian nobles that this kind 
of service offered a good career for men of spirit, who had learned 
the use of arms. To leave so powerful and profitable a calling 
in the hands of foreigners seemed both dangerous and un- 
economical. Therefore, after the middle of the century, this 
profession fell into the hands of natives. The first Italian who 
formed an exclusively Italian company was Alberico da Barbiano, 
a nobleman of Romagna, and founder of the Milanese house 
of Belgiojoso. In his school the great condottieri Braccio da 
Montone and Sforza Attendolo were formed; and henceforth 
the battles of Italy were fought by Italian generals command- 
ing native troops. This was better in some respects than if the 
mercenaries had been foreigners. Yet it must not be forgotten 
that the new companies of adventure, who decided Italian 
affairs for the next century, were in no sense patriotic. They 
sold themselves for money, irrespective of the cause which they 
upheld; and, while changing masters, they had no care for any 
interests but their own. The name condottiero, derived from 
condotta, a paid contract to supply so many fighting men in 
serviceable order, sufficiently indicates the nature of the business. 
In the hands of able captains, like Francesco Sforza or Piccinino, 
these mercenary troops became moving despotisms, draining 
the country of its wealth, and always eager to fasten and found 
tyrannies upon the provinces they had been summoned to 
defend. Their generals substituted heavy-armed cavalry for 
the old militia, and introduced systems of campaigning which 
reduced the art of war to a game of skill. Battles became 
all but bloodless; diplomacy and tactics superseded feats of 
arms and hard blows in pitched fields. In this way the Italians 
lost their military vigour, and wars were waged by despots 
from their cabinets, who pulled the strings of puppet captains 
in their pay. Nor were the people only enfeebled for resist- 
ance to a real foe; the whole political spirit of the race was 
demoralized. The purely selfish bond between condottieri and 
their employers, whether princes or republics, involved intrigues 
and treachery, checks and counterchecks, secret terror on the 
one hand and treasonable practice on the other, which ended by 
making statecraft in Italy synonymous with perfidy. 

It must further be noticed that the rise of mercenaries was 
synchronous with a change in the nature of Italian despotism. 
The tyrants, as we have already seen, established themselves 
as captains of the people, vicars of the empire, vicars for the 
church, leaders of the Guelph and Ghibelline parties. They were 

accepted by a population eager for repose, who had merged old 
class distinctions in the conflicts of preceding centuries. They 
rested in large measure on the favour of the multitude, change 
and pursued a policy of sacrificing to their interests in type 
the nobles. It was natural that these self-made otdes- 
princes should seek to secure the peace which po sm ' 
they had promised in their cities, by freeing the people from 
military service and disarming the aristocracy. As their tenure 
of power grew firmer, they advanced dynastic claims, assumed 
titles, and took the style of petty sovereigns. Their government 
became paternal; and, though there was no limit to their 
cruelty when stung by terror, they used the purse rather than the 
sword, bribery at home and treasonable intrigue abroad in 
preference to coercive measures or open war. Thus was elabor- 
ated the type of despot which attained completeness in Gian 
Galeazzo Visconti and Lorenzo de' Medici. No longer a tyrant 
of Ezzelino's stamp, he reigned by intelligence and terrorism 
masked beneath a smile. He substituted cunning and corruption 
for violence. The lesser people tolerated him because he extended 
the power of their city and made it beautiful with public buildings. 
The bourgeoisie, protected in their trade, found it convenient 
to support him. The nobles, turned into courtiers, placemen, 
diplomatists and men of affairs, ended by preferring his autho- 
rity to the alternative of democratic institutions. A lethargy 
of well-being, broken only by the pinch of taxation for war-costs, 
or by outbursts of frantic ferocity and lust in the less calculating 
tyrants, descended on the population of cities which had boasted 
of their freedom. Only Florence and Venice, at the close of 
the period upon which we are now entering, maintained their 
republican independence. And Venice was ruled by a close 
oligarchy; Florence was passing from the hands of her oligarchs 
into the power of the Medicean merchants. 

Between the year 1305, when Clement V. settled at Avignon, 
and the year 1447, when Nicholas V. re-established the papacy 
upon a solid basis at Rome, the Italians approximated Discrimi- 
more nearly to self-government than at any other nation of 
epoch of their history. The conditions which have the five 
been described, of despotism, mercenary warfare *"**' 


and bourgeois prosperity, determined the character of 
this epoch, which was also the period when the great achievements 
of the Renaissance were prepared. At the end of this century 
and a half, five principal powers divided the peninsula; and 
their confederated action during the next forty-five years 
(1447-1492) secured for Italy a season of peace and brilliant 
prosperity. These five powers were the kingdom of Naples, the 
duchy of Milan, the republic of Florence, the republic of Venice 
and the papacy. The subsequent events of Italian history 
will be rendered most intelligible if at this point we trace the 
development of these five constituents of Italian greatness 

When Robert of Anjou died in 1343, he was succeeded by his 
grand-daughter Joan, the childless wife of four successive 
husbands, Andrew of Hungary, Louis of Taranto, 
James of Aragon and Otto of Brunswick. Charles of Sicilies. 
Durazzo, the last male scion of the Angevine house in 
Lower Italy, murdered Joan in 1382, and held the kingdom 
for five years. Dying in 1387, he transmitted Naples to his son 
Ladislaus, who had no children, and was followed in 1414 by 
his sister Joan II. She too, though twice married, died without 
issue, having at one time adopted Louis III. of Provence and his 
brother Rene, at another Alfonso V. of Aragon, who inherited 
the crown of Sicily. After her death in February 1435 the 
kingdom was fought for between Rene of Anjou and Alfonso, 
surnamed the Magnanimous. Rene found supporters among the 
Italian princes, especially the Milanese Visconti, who helped 
him to assert his claims with arms. During the war of succession 
which ensued, Alfonso was taken prisoner by the Genoese fleet 
in August 1435, and was sent a prisoner to Filippo Maria at 
Milan. Here he pleaded his own cause so powerfully, and proved 
so incontestably the advantage which might ensue to the Visconti 
from his alliance, if he held the regno, that he obtained his 
release and recognition as king. From the end of the year 1435 




Alfonso reigned alone and undisturbed in Lower Italy, combining 
for the first time since the year 1282 the crowns of Sicily and 
Naples. The former he held by inheritance, together with that 
of Aragon. The latter he considered to be his by conquest. 
Therefore, when he died in 1458, he bequeathed Naples to his 
natural son Ferdinand, while Sicily and Aragon passed together 
to his brother John, and so on to Ferdinand the Catholic. The 
twenty-three years of Alfonso's reign were the most prosperous 
and splendid period of South Italian history. He became an 
Italian in taste and sympathy, entering with enthusiasm into 
the humanistic ardour of the earlier Renaissance, encouraging 
men of letters at his court, administering his kingdom on the 
principles of an enlightened despotism, and lending his authority 
to establish that equilibrium in the peninsula upon which the 
politicians of his age believed, not without reason, that Italian 
independence might be secured. 

The last member of the Visconti family of whom we had 
occasion to speak was Azzo, who bought the city in 1328 from 
Ducft of Louis of Bavaria. His uncle Lucchino succeeded, but 
Milan. was murdered in 1349 by a wife against whose life he 
had been plotting. Lucchino's brother John, arch- 
bishop of Milan, now assumed the lordship of the city, and 
extended the power of the Visconti over Genoa and the whole of 
north Italy, with the exception of Piedmont, Verona, Mantua, 
Ferrara and Venice. The greatness of the family dates from the 
reign of this masterful prelate. He died in 1354, and his heritage 
was divided between three members of his house, Matteo,Bernabo 
and Galeazzo. In the next year Matteo, being judged incom- 
petent to rule, was assassinated by order of his brothers, who 
made an equal partition of^ their subject cities — Bernabo 
residing in Milan, Galeazzo in Pavia. Galeazzo was the wealthiest 
and most magnificent Italian of his epoch. He married his 
daughter Violante to our duke of Clarence, and his son Gian 
Galeazzo to a daughter of King John of France. When he died 
in 1378, this son resolved to reunite the domains of the Visconti; 
and, with this object in view, he plotted and executed the murder 
of his uncle Bernabo. Gian Galeazzo thus became by one stroke 
the most formidable of Italian despots. Immured in his castle at 
Pavia, accumulating wealth by systematic taxation and methodical 
economy, he organized the mercenary troops who eagerly took 
service under so good a paymaster; and, by directing their 
operations from his cabinet, he threatened the whole of Italy 
with conquest. The last scions of the Delia Scala family still 
reigned in Verona, the last Carraresi in Padua; the Estensi were 
powerful in Ferrara, the Gonzaghi in Mantua. Gian Galeazzo, 
partly by force and partly by intrigue, discredited these minor 
despots, pushed his dominion to the very verge of Venice, and, 
having subjected Lombardy to his sway, proceeded to attack 
Tuscany. Pisa and Perugia were threatened with extinction, and 
Florence dreaded the advance of the Visconti arms, when the 
plague suddenly cut short his career of treachery and conquest 
in the year 1402. Seven years before his death Gian Galeazzo 
bought the title of duke of Milan and count of Pavia from the 
emperor Wenceslaus, and there is no doubt that he was aiming at 
the sovereignty of Italy. But no sooner was he dead than the 
essential weakness of an artificial state, built up by cunning and 
perfidious policy, with the aid of bought troops, dignified by no 
dynastic title, and consolidated by no sense of loyalty, became 
apparent. Gian Galeazzo's duchy was a masterpiece of 
mechanical contrivance, the creation of a scheming intellect and 
lawless will. When the mind which had planned it was with- 
drawn, it fell to pieces, and the very hands which had been used 
to build it helped to scatter its fragments. The Visconti's own 
generals, Facino Cane, Pandolfo Malatesta, Jacopo dal Verme, 
Gabrino Fondulo, Ottobon Terzo, seized upon the tyranny of 
several Lombard cities. In others the petty tyrants whom the 
Visconti had uprooted reappeared. The Estensi recovered their 
grasp upon Ferrara, and the Gonzaghi upon Mantua. Venice 
strengthened herself between the Adriatic and the Alps. Florence 
reassumed her Tuscan hegemony. Other communes which still 
preserved the shadow of independence, like Perugia and Bologna, 
began once more to dream of republican freedom under their 

own leading families. Meanwhile Gian Galeazzo had left two 
sons, Giovanni Maria and Filippo Maria. Giovanni, a monster 
of cruelty and lust, was assassinated by some Milanese nobles in 
141 2; and now Filippo set about rebuilding his father's duchy. 
Herein he was aided by the troops of Facino Cane, who, dying 
opportunely at this period, left considerable wealth, a well- 
trained band of mercenaries, and a widow, Beatrice di Tenda. 
Filippo married and then beheaded Beatrice after a mock trial for 
adultery, having used her money and her influence in reuniting 
several subject cities to the crown of Milan. He subsequently 
spent a long, suspicious, secret and incomprehensible career in 
the attempt to piece together Gian Galeazzo's Lombard state, and 
to carry out his schemes of Italian conquest. In this endeavour 
he met with vigorous opponents. Venice and Florence, strong 
in the strength of their resentful oligarchies, offered a determined 
resistance; nor was Filippo equal in ability to his father. His 
infernal cunning often defeated its own aims, checkmating him at 
the point of achievement by suggestions of duplicity or terror. 
In the course of Filippo's wars with Florence and Venice, the 
greatest generals of this age were formed — Francesco Carmagnola, 
who was beheaded between the columns at Venice in 1432; 
Niccolo Piccinino, who died at Milan in 1444; and Francesco 
Sforza, who survived to seize his master's heritage in 1450. Son 
of Attendolo Sforza, this Francesco received the hand of Filippo's 
natural daughter, Bianca, as a reward for past service and a 
pledge of future support. When the Visconti dynasty ended by 
the duke's death in 1447, he pretended to espouse the cause of 
the Milanese republic, which was then re-established; but he 
played his cards so subtly as to make himself, by the help of 
Cosimo de' Medici in Florence, duke de facto if not de jure. 
Francesco Sforza was the only condottiero among many aspiring 
to be tyrants who planted themselves firmly on a throne of first- 
rate importance. Once seated in the duchy of Milan, he displayed 
rare qualities as a ruler; for he not only entered into the spirit of 
the age, which required humanity and culture from a despot, 
but he also knew how to curb his desire for territory. The con- 
ception of confederated Italy found in him a vigorous supporter. 
Thus the limitation of the Milanese duchy under Filippo Maria 
Visconti, and its consolidation under Francesco Sforza, were 
equally effectual in preparing the balance of power to which 
Italian politics now tended. 

This balance could not have been established without the con- 
current aid of Florence. After the expulsion of the duke of 
Athens in 1343, and the great plague of 1348, the Florentine 
proletariate rose up against the merchant princes. This insur- 
gence of the artisans, in a republic which had been remodelled 
upon economical principles by Giano della Bella's constitution of 
1292, reached a climax in 1378, when the Ciompi rebellion placed 
the city for a few years in the hands of the Lesser Arts. The 
revolution was but temporary, and was rather a symptom of 
democratic tendencies in the state than the sign of any capacity 
for government on the part of the working classes. The neces- 
sities of war and foreign affairs soon placed Florence in the power 
of an oligarchy headed by the great Albizzi family. They fought 
the battles of the republic with success against the Visconti, and 
widely extended the Florentine domain over the Tuscan cities. 
During their season of ascendancy Pisa was enslaved, and 
Florence gained the access to the sea. But throughout this 
period a powerful opposition was gathering strength. It was led 
by the Medici, who sided with the common people, and increased 
their political importance by the accumulation and wise employ- 
ment of vast commercial wealth. In 1433 the Albizzi and the 
Medici came to open strife. Cosimo de' Medici, the chief of the 
opposition, was exiled to Venice. In the next year he returned, 
assumed the presidency of the democratic party, and by a system 
of corruption and popularity-hunting, combined with the 
patronage of arts and letters, established himself as the real but 
unacknowledged dictator of the commonwealth. Cosimo aban- 
doned the policy of his predecessors. Instead of opposing Fran- 
cesco Sforza in Milan, he lent him his prestige and influence, 
foreseeing that the dynastic future of his own family and the 
pacification of Italy might be secured by a balance of power in 





which Florence should rank on equal terms with Milan and 

The republic of Venice differed essentially from any other 
state in Italy; and her history was so separate that, up to this 
point, it would have been needless to interrupt the 
narrative by tracing it. Venice, however, in the 14th 
century took her place at last as an Italian power on an equality 
at least with the very greatest. The constitution of the common- 
wealth had slowly matured itself through a series of revolutions, 
which confirmed and defined a type of singular stability. During 
the earlier days of the republic the doge had been a prince elected 
by the people, and answerable only to the popular assemblies. 
In 1032 he was obliged to act in concert with' a senate, called 
pregadi; and in 11 72 the grand council, which became the real 
sovereign of the state, was formed. The several steps whereby 
the members of the grand council succeeded in eliminating the 
people from a share in the government, and reducing the doge 
to the position of their ornamental representative, cannot here 
be described. It must suffice to say that these changes cul- 
minated in 1 297, when an act was passed for closing the grand 
council, or in other words for confining it to a fixed number of 
privileged families, in whom the government was henceforth 
vested by hereditary right. This ratification of the oligarchical 
principle, together with the establishment in 131 1 of the 
Council of Ten, completed that famous constitution which 
endured till the extinction of the republic in 1797. Meanwhile, 
throughout the middle ages, it had been the policy of Venice to 
refrain from conquests on the Italian mainland, and to confine 
her energies to commerce in the East. The first entry of any 
moment made by the Venetians into strictly Italian affairs was 
in 1336, when the republics of Florence and St Mark allied them- 
selves against Mastino della Scala, and the latter took possession 
of Treviso. After this, for thirty years, between 1352 and 1381, 
Venice and Genoa contested the supremacy of the Mediterranean. 
Pisa's maritime power having been extinguished in the battle 
of Meloria (1284), the two surviving republics had no rivals. 
They fought their duel out upon the Bosporus, off Sardinia, 
and in the Morea, with various success. From the first great 
encounter, in 1355, Venice retired well-nigh exhausted, and 
Genoa was so crippled that she placed herself under the protection 
of the Visconti. The second and decisive battle was fought upon 
the Adriatic. The Genoese fleet under Luciano Doria defeated 
the Venetians off Pola in 1379, and sailed without opposition to 
Chioggia, which was stormed and taken. Thus the Venetians 
found themselves blockaded in their own lagoons. Meanwhile 
a fleet was raised for their relief by Carlo Zeno in the Levant, 
and the admiral Vittore Pisani, who had been imprisoned after 
the defeat at Pola, was released to lead their forlorn hope from 
the city side. The Genoese in their turn were now blockaded in 
Chioggia, and forced by famine to surrender. The losses of men 
and money which the war of Chioggia, as it was called, entailed, 
though they did not immediately depress the spirit of the Genoese 
republiCj signed her naval ruin. During this second struggle 
to the death with Genoa, the Venetians had been also at strife 
with the Carraresi of Padua and the Scaligers of Verona. In 1406, 
after the extinction of these princely houses they added Verona, 
Vicenza and Padua to the territories they claimed on terra firma. 
Their career of conquest, and their new policy of forming Italian 
alliances and entering into the management of Italian affairs 
were confirmed by the long dogeship of Francesco Foscari (1423- 
1457) , who must rank with Alfonso, Cosimo de' Medici, Francesco 
Sforza and Nicholas V., as a joint-founder of confederated Italy. 
When Constantinople fell in 1453, the old ties between Venice and 
the Eastern empire were broken, and she now entered on a 
wholly new phase of her history. Ranking as one of the five 
Italian powers, she was also destined to defend Western Christen- 
dom against the encroachments of the Turk in Europe. (See 
Venice: History.) 

By their settlement in Avignon, the popes relinquished their 
protectorate of Italian liberties, and lost their position as Italian 
potentates. Rienzi's revolution in Rome (1347-1354), and his 
establishment of a republic upon a fantastic basis, half classical, 

half feudal, proved the temper of the times; while the rise of 
dynastic families in the cities of the church, claiming the title 
of papal vicars, but acting in their own interests, 
weakened the authority of the Holy See. The pre- papacy. 
datory expeditions of Bertrand du Poiet and Robert of 
Geneva were as ineffective as the descents of the emperors; 
and, though the cardinal Albornoz conquered Romagna and the 
March in 1364, the legates who resided in those districts were not 
long able to hold them against their despots. At last Gregory XI. 
returned to Rome; and Urban VI., elected in 1378, put a final 
end to the Avignonian exile. Still the Great Schism, which now 
distracted Western Christendom, so enfeebled the papacy, and 
kept the Roman pontiffs so engaged in ecclesiastical disputes, 
that they had neither power nor leisure to occupy themselves 
seriously with their temporal affairs. The threatening presence 
of the tw.o princely houses of Orsini and Colonna, alike dangerous 
as friends or foes, rendered Rome an unsafe residence. Even 
when the schism was nominally terminated in 141 5 by the council 
of Constance, the next two popes held but a precarious grasp 
upon their Italian domains. Martin V. (1417-1431) resided 
principally at Florence. Eugenius IV. (1431-1447) followed his 
example. And what Martin managed to regain Eugenius lost. 
At the same time, the change which had now come over Italian 
politics, the desire on all sides for a settlement, and the growing 
conviction that a federation was necessary, proved advantageous 
to the popes as sovereigns. They gradually entered into the 
spirit of their age, assumed the style of despots and made use of 
the humanistic movement, then at its height, to place themselves 
in a new relation to Italy. The election of Nicholas V. in 1447 
determined this revolution in the papacy, and opened a period of 
temporal splendour, which ended with the establishment of the 
popes as sovereigns. Thomas of Sarzana was a distinguished 
humanist. Humbly born, he had been tutor in the house of the 
Albizzi, and afterwards librarian of the Medici at Florence, 
where he imbibed the politics together with the culture of the 
Renaissance. Soon after assuming the tiara, he found himself 
without a rival in the church; for the schism ended by Felix V.'s 
resignation in 1449. Nicholas fixed his residence in Rome, which 
he began to rebuild and to fortify, determining to render the 
Eternal City once more a capital worthy of its high place in 
Europe. The Romans were flattered; and, though his reign 
was disturbed by republican conspiracy, Nicholas V. was able 
before his death in 1455 to secure the modern status of the pontiff 
as a splendid patron and a wealthy temporal potentate. 

Italy was now for a brief space independent. The humanistic 
movement had created a common culture, a common language 
and sense of common nationality. The five great / 

powers, with their satellites — dukes of Savoy and rated 
Urbino, marquesses of Ferrara and Mantua, republics uafy. 
of Bologna, Perugia, Siena — were constituted. All 
political institutions tended toward despotism. The Medici 
became yearly more indispensable to Florence, the Bentivogli 
more autocratic in Bologna, the Baglioni in Perugia; and even 
Siena was ruled by the Petrucci. But this despotism was of a 
mild type. The princes were Italians; they shared. the common 
enthusiasms of the nation for art, learning, literature and science; 
they studied how to mask their tyranny with arts agreeable to the 
multitude. When Italy had reached this point, Constantinople 
was taken by the Turks. On all sides it was felt that the Italian 
alliance must be tightened; and one of the last, best acts of 
Nicholas V.'s pontificate was the appeal in 1453 to the five great 
powers in federation. As regards their common opposition to 
the Turk, this appeal led to nothing; but it marked the growth 
of a new Italian consciousness. 

Between 1453 and 1492 Italy continued to be prosperous and 
tranquil. Nearly all wars during this period were undertaken 
either to check the growing power of Venice or to further the 
ambition of the papacy. Having become despots, the popes 
sought to establish their relatives in principalities. The word 
nepotism acquired new significance in the reigns of Sixtus IV. 
and Innocent VIII. Though the country was convulsed by no 
great struggle, these forty years witnessed a truly appalling 




increase of political crime. To be a prince was tantamount to 
being the mark of secret conspiracy and assassination. Among 
the most noteworthy examples of such attempts may be mentioned 
the revolt of the barons against Ferdinand I. of Naples (1464), 
the murder of Galeazzo Maria Sforza at Milan (1476) and the 
plot of the Pazzi to destroy the Medici (1478). After Cosimo 
de' Medici's death in 1464, the presidency of the Florentine 
republic passed to his son Piero, who left it in 1469 to his sons 
Lorenzo and Giuliano. These youths assumed the style of princes, 
and it was against their lives that the Pazzi, with the sanction 
of Sixtus IV., aimed their blow. Giuliano was murdered, Lorenzo 
escaped, to tighten his grasp upon the city, which now loved 
him and was proud of him. During the following fourteen years 
of his brilliant career he made himself absolute master of 
Florence, and so modified her institutions that the Medici were 
henceforth necessary to the state. Apprehending the importance 
of Italian federation, Lorenzo, by his personal tact and prudent 
leadership of the republic, secured peace and a common intel- 
ligence between the five powers. His own family was fortified 
by the marriage of his daughter to a son of Innocent VIII., 
which procured his son Giovanni's elevation to the cardinalate, 
and involved two Medicean papacies and the future dependence 
of Florence upon Rome. 

VI. Age of Invasions. — The year 1492 opened a new age for 
Italy. In this year Lorenzo died, and was succeeded by his son, 
the vain and weak Piero; France passed beneath 
of Charles *- ne personal control of the inexperienced Charles 
via. VIII.; the fall of Granada freed Spain from her 

embarrassments; Columbus discovered America, 
destroying the commercial supremacy of Venice; last, but not 
least, Roderigo Borgia assumed the tiara with the famous 
title of Alexander VI. In this year the short-lived federation 
of the five powers was shaken, and Italy was once more drawn 
into the vortex of European affairs. The events which led to 
this disaster may be briefly told. After Galeazzo Maria's 
assassination, his crown passed to a boy, Gian Galeazzo, who 
was in due course married to a grand-daughter of Ferdinand I. 
of Naples. But the government of Milan remained in the hands 
of this youth's uncle, Lodovico, surnamed II Moro. Lodovico 
resolved to become duke of Milan. The king of Naples was 
his natural enemy, and he had cause to suspect that Piero de' 
Medici might abandon his alliance. Feeling himself alone, 
with no right to the title he was bent on seizing, he had recourse 
to Charles VIII. of France, whom he urged to make good his 
claim to the kingdom of Naples. This claim, it may be said in 
passing, rested on the will of King Rene of Anjou. After some 
hesitation, Charles agreed to invade Italy. He crossed the Alps 
in 1495, passed through Lombardy, entered Tuscany, freed Pisa 
from the yoke of Florence, witnessed the expulsion of the Medici, 
marched to Naples and was crowned there — all this without 
striking a blow. Meanwhile Lodovico procured his nephew's 
death, and raised a league against the French in Lombardy. 
Charles hurried back from Naples, and narrowly escaped destruc- 
tion at Fornovo in the passes of the Apennines. He made good 
his retreat, however, and returned to France in 1495. Little 
remained to him of his light acquisitions; but he had convulsed 
Italy by this invasion, destroyed her equilibrium, exposed her 
military weakness and political disunion, and revealed her wealth 
to greedy and more powerful nations. 

The princes of the house of Aragon, now represented by 
Frederick, a son of Ferdinand I., returned to Naples. Florence 
Louis XII. ma de herself a republic, adopting a form of constitu- 
tion analogous to that of Venice. At this crisis she 
was ruled by the monk Girolamo Savonarola, who inspired 
the people with a thirst for freedom, preached the necessity 
of reformation, and placed himself in direct antagonism to 
Rome. After a short but eventful career, the influence of which 
was long effective, he lost his hold upon the citizens. Alexander 
VI. procured a mock trial, and his enemies burned him upon the 
Piazza in 1498. In this year Louis XII. succeeded Charles VIII. 
upon the throne of France. As duke of Orleans he had certain 
claims to Milan through his grandmother Valentina, daughter of 

Gian Galeazzo, the first duke. They were not valid, for the 
investiture of the duchy had been granted only to male heirs. 
But they served as a sufficient pretext, and in 1499 Louis entered 
and subdued the Milanese. Lodovico escaped to Germany, 
returned the next year, was betrayed by his Swiss mercenaries 
and sent to die at Loches in France. In 1500 Louis made the 
blunder of calling Ferdinand the Catholic to help him in the 
conquest of Naples. By a treaty signed at Granada, the French 
and Spanish kings were to divide the spoil. The conquest was 
easy; but, when it came to a partition, Ferdinand played his 
ally false. He made himself supreme over the Two Sicilies, 
which he now reunited under a single crown. Three years later, 
unlessoned by this experience, Louis signed the treaty of Blois 
(1504), whereby he invited the emperor Maximilian to aid him 
in the subjugation of Venice. No policy could have been less 
far-sighted; for Charles V., joint heir to Austria, Burgundy, 
Castile and Aragon, the future overwhelming rival of France, 
was already born. 

The stage was now prepared, and all the actors who were 
destined to accomplish the ruin of Italy trod it with their armies. 
Spain, France, Germany, with their Swiss auxiliaries, had been 
summoned upon various pretexts to partake her provinces. 
Then, too late, patriots like Machiavelli perceived the suicidal 
self-indulgence of the past, which, by substituting mercenary 
troops for national militias, left the Italians at the absolute 
discretion of their neighbours. Whatever parts the Italians 
themselves played in the succeeding quarter of a century, the 
game was in the hands of French, Spanish and German invaders. 
Meanwhile, no scheme for combination against common foes 
arose in the peninsula. Each petty potentate strove for his own 
private advantage in the confusion; and at this epoch the chief 
gains accrued to the papacy. Aided by his terrible son, Cesare 
Borgia, Alexander VI. chastised the Roman nobles, subdued 
Romagna and the March, threatened Tuscany, and seemed to 
be upon the point of creating a Central Italian state in favour 
of his progeny, when he died suddenly in 1503. His conquests 
reverted to the Holy See. Julius II., his bitterest enemy and 
powerful successor, continued Alexander's policy, but no longer 
in the interest of his own relatives. It became the nobler 
ambition of Julius to aggrandize the church, and to reassume 
the protectorate of the Italian people. With this object, he 
secured Emilia, carried his victorious arms against Ferrara, 
and curbed the tyranny of the Baglioni in Perugia. Julius II. 
played a perilous game; but the stakes were high, and he fancied 
himself strong enough to guide the tempest he evoked. Quarrel- 
ling with the Venetians in 1508, he combined the forces of all 
Europe by the league of Cambray against them; and, when he 
had succeeded in his first purpose of humbling them even to the 
dust, he turned round in 1510, uttered his famous resolve to 
expel the barbarians from Italy, and pitted the Spaniards 
against the French. It was with the Swiss that he hoped to 
effect this revolution; but the Swiss, now interfering for the first 
time as principals in Italian affairs, were incapable of more than 
adding to the already maddening distractions of the people. 
Formed for mercenary warfare, they proved a perilous instrument 
in the hands of those who used them, and were hardly less injurious 
to their friends than to their foes. In 151 2 the battle of Ravenna 
between the French troops and the allies of Julius — Spaniards, 
Venetians and Swiss — was fought. Gaston de Foix bought a 
doubtful victory dearly with his death; and the allies, though 
beaten on the banks of the Ronco, immediately afterwards 
expelled the French from Lombardy. Yet Julius II. had 
failed, as might have been foreseen. He only exchanged one 
set of foreign masters for another, and taught a new barbarian 
race how pleasant were the plains of Italy. As a consequence 
of the battle of Ravenna, the Medici returned in 151 2 to Florence. 
When Leo X. was elected in 1513, Rome and Florence rejoiced; 
but Italy had no repose. Louis XII. had lost the game, and the. 
Spaniards were triumphant. But new actors appeared upon 
the scene, and the same old struggle was resumed with fiercer 
energy. By the victory of Marignano in 151 5 Francis I., having 
now succeeded to the throne of France, regained the Milanese, 




and broke the power of the Swiss, who held it for Massimiliano 
Sforza, the titular duke. Leo for a while relied on Francis; for 
the vast power of Charles V., who succeeded to the empire 
in 1519, as in 1516 he had succeeded to the crowns of Spain 
and Lower Italy, threatened the whole of Europe. It was 
Leo's nature, however, to be inconstant. In 1521 he changed 
sides, allied himself to Charles, and died after hearing that the 
imperial troops had again expelled the French from Milan. 
During the next four years the Franco-Spanish war dragged on 
in Lombardy until the decisive battle of Pavia in 1525, when 
Francis was taken prisoner, and Italy lay open to the Spanish 
armies. Meanwhile Leo X. had been followed by Adrian VI., 
and Adrian by Clement VII., of the house of Medici, who had 
long ruled Florence. In the reign of this pope Francis was 
released from his prison in Madrid (1526), and Clement hoped 
that he might still be used in the Italian interest as a counterpoise 
to Charles. It is impossible in this place to follow the tangled 
intrigues of that period. The year 1527 was signalized by the 
famous sack of Rome. An army of mixed German and Spanish 
troops, pretending to act for the emperor, but which may 
rather be regarded as a vast marauding party, entered Italy 
under their leader Frundsberg. After his death, the Constable 
de Bourbon took command of them; they marched slowly 
down, aided by the marquis of Ferrara, and unopposed by the 
duke of Urbino, reached Rome, and took it by assault. The 
constable was killed in the first onslaught; Clement was im- 
prisoned in the castle of St Angelo; Rome was abandoned 
to the rage of 30,000 ruffians. As an immediate result of this 
catastrophe, Florence shook off the Medici, and established a 
republic. But Clement, having made peace with the emperor, 
turned the remnants of the army which had sacked Rome 
against his native city. After a desperate resistance, Florence 
fell in 1530. Alessandro de' Medici was placed there with the 
title of duke of Civita di Penna; and, on his murder in 1537, 
Cosimo de' Medici, of the younger branch of the ruling house, 
was made duke. Acting as lieutenant for the Spaniards, he 
subsequently (1555) subdued Siena, and bequeathed to his 
descendants the grand-duchy of Tuscany. 

VII. Spanish-Austrian Ascendancy. — It was high time, after 
the sack of Rome in 1527, that Charles V. should undertake 
Italian affairs. The country was exposed to anarchy, 
S ? t f£?" >nt of which this had been the last and most disgrace- 
by Spain. f u l example. The Turks were threatening western 
Europe, and Luther was inflaming Germany. By 
the treaty of Barcelona in 1529 the pope and emperor made 
terms. By that of Cambray in the same year France relinquished 
Italy to Spain. Charles then entered the port of Genoa, and on 
the 5th of November met Clement VII. at Bologna. He there 
received the imperial crown, and summoned the Italian princes 
for a settlement of all disputed claims. Francesco Sforza, the 
last and childless heir of the ducal house, was left in Milan till 
his death, which happened in 1535. The republic of Venice was 
respected in her liberties and Lombard territories. The Este 
family received a confirmation of their duchy of Modena and 
Reggio, and were invested in their fief of Ferrara by the pope. 
The marquessate of Mantua was made a duchy; and Florence 
was secured, as we have seen, to the Medici. The great gainer 
by this settlement was the papacy, which held the most sub- 
stantial Italian province, together with a prestige that raised 
it far above all rivalry. The rest of Italy, however parcelled, 
henceforth became but a dependence upon Spain. Charles V., 
it must be remembered, achieved his conquest and confirmed 
his authority far less as emperor than as the heir of Castile and 
Aragon. A Spanish viceroy in Milan and another in Naples, 
supported by Rome and by the minor princes who followed the 
policy dictated to them from Madrid, were sufficient to preserve 
the whole peninsula in a state of somnolent inglorious servitude. 
From 1530 until 1796, that is, for a period of nearly three 
centuries, the Italians had no history of their own. Their annals 
are filled with records of dynastic changes and redistributions of 
territory, consequent upon treaties signed by foreign powers, in 
the settlement of quarrels which no wise concerned the people. 

Italy only too often became the theatre of desolating and dis- 
tracting wars. But these wars were fought for the most part 
by alien armies; the points at issue were decided beyond the 
Alps; the gains accrued to royal families whose names were 
unpronounceable by southern tongues. The affairs of Europe 
during the years when Habsburg and Bourbon fought their 
domestic battles with the blood of noble races may teach grave 
lessons to all thoughtful men of our days, but none bitterer, 
none fraught with more insulting recollections, than to the 
Italian people, who were haggled over like dumb driven cattle 
in the mart of chaffering kings. We cannot wholly acquit the 
Italians of their share of blame. When they might have won 
national independence, after their warfare with the Swabian 
emperors, they let the golden opportunity slip. Pampered with 
commercial prosperity, eaten to the core with inter-urban 
rivalries, they submitted to despots, renounced the use of arms, 
and offered themselves in the hour of need, defenceless and dis- 
united to the shock of puissant nations. That they had created 
modern civilization for Europe availed them nothing. Italy, 
intellectually first among the peoples, was now politically and 
practically last; and nothing to her historian is more heart- 
rending than to watch the gradual extinction of her spirit in this 
age of slavery. 

In 1534 Alessandro Farnese, who owed his elevation to his 
sister Giulia, one of Alexander VI. 's mistresses, took the tiara 
with the title of Paul III. It was his ambition to 
create a duchy for his family; and with this object he Pontm- 
gave Parma and Piacenza to his son Pier Luigi. After Paul m# 
much wrangling between the French and Spanish 
parties, the duchy was confirmed in 1586 to Ottaviano Farnese 
and his son Alessandro, better known as Philip II. 's general, 
the prince of Parma. Alessandro's descendants reigned in Parma 
and Piacenza till the year 1731. Paul III.'s pontificate was 
further marked by important changes in the church, all of which 
confirmed the spiritual autocracy of Rome. In 1540 this pope 
approved of Loyola's foundation, and secured the powerful 
militia of the Jesuit order. The Inquisition was established with 
almost unlimited powers in Italy, and the press was placed under 
its jurisdiction. Thus free thought received a check, by which 
not only ecclesiastical but political tyrants knew how to profit. 
Henceforth it was impossible to publish or to utter a word which 
might offend the despots of church or state; and the Italians 
had to amuse their leisure with the polite triflings of academics. 
In 1545 a council was opened at Trent for the reformation of 
church discipline and the promulgation of orthodox doctrine. 
The decrees of this council defined Roman Catholicism against 
the Reformation; and, while failing to regenerate morality, 
they enforced a hypocritical observance of public decency. Italy 
to outer view put forth blossoms of hectic and hysterical piety, 
though at the core her clergy and her aristocracy were more 
corrupt than ever. 

In 1556 Philip II., by the abdication of his father Charles V., 
became king of Spain. He already wore the crown of the Two 
Sicilies, and ruled the duchy of Milan. In the next 
year Ferdinand, brother of Charles, was elected em- p^Jrf jj. 
peror. The French, meanwhile, had not entirely 
abandoned their claims on Italy. Gian Pietro Caraffa, who 
was made pope in 1555 with the name of Paul IV., en- 
deavoured to revive the ancient papal policy of leaning upon 
France. He encouraged the duke of Guise to undertake the 
conquest of Naples, as Charles of Anjou had been summoned by 
his predecessors. But such schemes were now obsolete and" 
anachronistic. They led to a languid lingering Italian campaign, 
which was settled far beyond the Alps by Philip's victories over 
the French at St Quentin and Gravelines. The peace of Cateau 
Cambresis, signed in 1559, left the Spanish monarch undisputed 
lord of Italy. Of free commonwealths there now survived only 
Venice, which, together with Spain, achieved for Europe the 
victory of Lepanto in 1573; Genoa, which, after the ineffectual 
Fieschi revolution in 1547, abode beneath the rule of the great 
Doria family, and held a feeble sway in Corsica; and the two 
insignificant republics of Lucca and San Marino. 




The future hope of Italy, however, was growing in a remote 
and hitherto neglected corner. Emmanuel Philibert, duke of 
Savoy, represented the oldest and not the least illustrious reigning 
house in Europe, and his descendants were destined to achieve 
for Italy the independence which no other power or prince 
had given her since the fall of ancient Rome. (See Savoy, 
House of.) 

When Emmanuel Philibert succeeded to his father Charles III. 
in ^S. ne w as a duke without a duchy. But the princes of 
the house of Savoy were a race of warriors; and what Emmanuel 
Philibert lost as sovereign he regained as captain of adventure 
in the service of his cousin Philip II. The treaty of Cateau 
Cambresis in 1559, and the evacuation of the Piedmontese cities 
held by French and Spanish troops in is 74, restored his state. 
By removing the capital from Chambery to Turin, he completed 
the transformation of the dukes of Savoy from Burgundian into 
Italian sovereigns. They still owned Savoy beyond the Alps, the 
plains of Bresse, and the maritime province of Nice. 

Emmanuel Philibert was succeeded by his son Charles 
Emmanuel I., who married Catherine, a daughter of Philip II. 
He seized the first opportunity of annexing Saluzzo, which had 
been lost to Savoy in the last two reigns, and renewed the 
disastrous policy of his grandfather Charles III. by invading 
Geneva and threatening Provence. Henry IV. of France forced 
him in 1601 to relinquish Bresse and his Burgundian possessions. 
In return he was allowed to keep Saluzzo. All hopes of conquest 
on the transalpine side were now quenched; but the keys of 
Italy had been given to the dukes of Savoy; and their attention 
was still further concentrated upon Lombard conquests. Charles 
Emmanuel now attempted the acquisition of Montferrat, which 
was soon to become vacant by the death of Francesco Gonzaga, 
who held it together with Mantua. In order to secure this 
territory, he went to war with Philip III. of Spain, and allied 
himself with Venice and the Grisons to expel the Spaniards from 
the Valtelline. When the male line of the Gonzaga family expired 
in 1627, Charles, duke of Nevers, claimed Mantua and Montferrat 
in right of his wife, the only daughter of the last duke. Charles 
Emmanuel was now checkmated by France, as he had formerly 
been by Spain. The total gains of all his strenuous endeavours 
amounted to the acquisition of a few places on the borders of 

Not only the Gonzagas, but several other ancient ducal 
families, died out about the date which we have reached. The 
Extlac- legitimate line of the Estensi ended in 1597 by the 
iioa 0/ death of Alfonso II., the last duke of Ferrara. He 
old ducal left his domains to a natural relative, Cesare d'Este, 
families. wno wou j(j j n ear ii er days have inherited without 
dispute, for bastardy had been no bar on more than one occasion 
in the Este pedigree. Urban VIII., however, put in a claim to 
Ferrara, which, it will be remembered, had been recognized a 
papal fief in 1530. Cesare d'Este had to content himself with 
Modena and Reggio, where his descendants reigned as dukes 
till 1794. Under the same pontiff, the Holy See absorbed the 
duchy of Urbino on the death of Francesco Maria II., the last 
representative of Montefeltro and Delia Rovere. The popes 
were now masters of a fine and compact territory, embracing 
no inconsiderable portion of Countess Matilda's legacy, in 
addition to Pippin's donation, and the patrimony of St Peter. 
Meanwhile Spanish fanaticism, the suppression of the Huguenots 
in France and the Catholic policy of Austria combined to 
strengthen their authority as pontiffs. Urban's predecessor, 
Paul V., advanced so far as to extend his spiritual jurisdiction 
over Venice, which, up to the date of his election (1605), had 
resisted all encroachments of the Holy See. Venice offered the 
single instance in Italy of a national church. The republic 
managed the tithes, and the clergy acknowledged no chief above 
their own patriarch. Paul V. now forced the Venetians to 
admit his ecclesiastical supremacy; but they refused to readmit 
the Jesuits, who had been expelled in 1606. This, if we do not 
count the proclamation of James I. of England (1604), was the 
earliest instance of the order's banishment from a state where 
it had proved disloyal to the commonwealth. 

Venice rapidly declined throughout the 17th century. The 
loss of trade consequent upon the closing of Egypt and the 
Levant, together with the discovery of America and Decline 
the sea-route to the Indies, had dried up her chief at Venice 
source of wealth. Prolonged warfare with the Otto- *»>d 
mans, who forced her to abandon Candia in 1669, s P a,n - 
as they had robbed her of Cyprus in 1570, still further crippled 
her resources. Yet she kept the Adriatic free of pirates, notably 
by suppressing the sea-robbers called Uscocchi (1601-1617), 
maintained herself in the Ionian Islands, and in 1684 added one 
more to the series of victorious episodes which render her annals 
so romantic. In that year Francesco Morosini, upon whose 
tomb we still may read the title Peloponnesiacus, wrested the 
whole of the Morea from the Turks. But after his death in 17 15 
the republic relaxed her hold upon his conquests. The Venetian 
nobles abandoned themselves to indolence and vice. Many of 
them fell into the slough of pauperism, and were saved from 
starvation by public doles. Though the signory still made a 
brave show upon occasions of parade, it was clear th'at the state 
was rotten to the core, and sinking into the decrepitude of dotage. 
The Spanish monarchy at the same epoch dwindled with 
apparently less reason. Philip's Austrian successors reduced 
it to the rank of a secondary European power. This decline of 
vigour was felt, with the customary effects of discord and bad 
government, in Lower Italy. The revolt of Masaniello in Naples 
(1647), followed by rebellions at Palermo and Messina, which 
placed Sicily for a while in the hands of Louis XIV. (1676- 
1678) were symptoms of progressive anarchy. The population, 
ground down by preposterous taxes, ill-used as only the subjects 
of Spaniards, Turks or Bourbons are handled, rose in blind 
exasperation against their oppressors. It is impossible to attach 
political importance to these revolutions; nor did they bring 
the people any appreciable good. The destinies of Italy were 
decided in the cabinets and on the battlefields of northern 
Europe. A Bourbon at Versailles, a Habsburg at Vienna, or 
a thick-lipped Lorrainer, with a stroke of his pen, wrote off 
province against province, regarding not the populations who 
had bled for him or thrown themselves upon his mercy. 

This inglorious and passive chapter of Italian history is con- 
tinued to the date of the French Revolution with the records of 
three dynastic wars, the war of the Spanish succession, 
the war of the Polish succession, the war of the Austrian ^ ars °f 
succession, followed by three European treaties, s / oa . 
which brought them respectively to diplomatic 
terminations. Italy, handled and rehandled, settled and re- 
settled, upon each of these occasions, changed masters without 
caring or knowing what befell the principals in any one of the 
disputes. Humiliating to human nature in general as are the 
annals of the 18th-century campaigns in Europe, there is no 
point of view from which they appear in a light so tragi-comic 
as from that afforded by Italian history. The system of setting 
nations by the ears with the view of settling the quarrels of a 
few reigning houses was reduced to absurdity when the people, 
as in these cases, came to be partitioned and exchanged without 
the assertion or negation of a single principle affecting their 
interests or rousing their emotions. 

In 1700 Charles II. died, and with him ended the Austrian 
family in Spain. Louis XIV. claimed the throne for Philip, 
duke of Anjou. Charles, archduke of Austria, opposed 
him. The dispute was fought out in Flanders; but Spanish 
Lombardy felt the shock, as usual, of the French and s/OHt 
Austrian dynasties. The French armies were more 
than once defeated by Prince Eugene of Savoy, who drove them 
out of Italy in 1707. Therefore, in the peace of Utrecht (17 13), 
the services of the house of Savoy had to be duly recognized. 
Victor Amadeus II. received Sicily with the title of king. Mont- 
ferrat and Alessandria were added to his northern provinces, 
and his state was recognized as independent. Charles of Austria, 
now emperor, took Milan, Mantua, Naples and Sardinia for his 
portion of the Italian spoil. Philip founded the Bourbon line 
of Spanish kings, renouncing in Italy all that his Habsburg 
predecessors had gained. Discontented with this diminution 




of the Spanish heritage, Philip V. married Elisabetta Farnese, 
heiress to the last duke of Parma, in 1714. He hoped to secure 
this duchy for his son, Don Carlos; and Elisabetta further brought 
with her a claim to the grand-duchy of Tuscany, which would 
soon become vacant by the death of Gian Gastone de' Medici. 
After this marriage Philip broke the peace of Europe by invading 
Sardinia. The Quadruple Alliance was formed, and the new king 
of Sicily was punished for his supposed adherence to Philip V. 
by the forced exchange of Sicily for the island of Sardinia. 
It was thus that in 1720 the house, of Savoy assumed the regal 
title which it bore until the declaration of the Italian kingdom 
in the last century. Victor AmadeusII.'s reign was of great import- 
ance in the history of his state. Though a despot, as all monarchs 
were obliged to be at that date, he reigned with prudence, 
probity and zeal for the welfare of his subjects. He took public 
education out of the hands of the Jesuits, which, for the future 
development of manliness in his dominions, was a measure 
of incalculable value. The duchy of Savoy in his days became 
a kingdom, and Sardinia, though it seemed a poor exchange for 
Sicily, was a far less perilous possession than the larger and 
wealthier island would have been. In 1730 Victor Amadeus 
abdicated in favour of his son Charles Emmanuel III. Repenting 
of this step, he subsequently attempted to regain Turin, but was 
imprisoned in the castle of Rivoli, where he ended his days 
in 1732. 

The War of the Polish Succession which now disturbed Europe 
is only important in Italian history because the treaty of Vienna 
in 1738 settled the disputed affairs of the duchies 
Polish ^ Q f p arma an( j Tuscany. The duke Antonio Farnese 
sioa. died in 1731; the grand-duke Gian Gastone de' 

Medici died in 1737. In the duchy of Parma Don 
Carlos had already been proclaimed. But he was now transferred 
to the Two Sicilies, while Francis of Lorraine, the husband of 
Maria Theresa, took Tuscany and Parma. Milan and Mantua 
remained in the hands of the Austrians. On this occasion 
Charles Emmanuel acquired Tortona and Novara. 

Worse complications ensued for the Italians when the emperor 
Charles VI., father of Maria Theresa, died in 1740. The three 
branches of the Bourbon house, ruling in France, 
Austrian gpain and the Sicilies, joined with Prussia, Bavaria 
sion. an d the kingdom of Sardinia to despoil Maria Theresa 

of her heritage. Lombardy was made the seat of war; 
and here the king of Sardinia acted as in some sense the arbiter 
of the situation. After war broke out, he changed sides and 
supported the Habsburg-Lorraine party. At first, in 1745, the 
Sardinians were defeated by the French and Spanish troops. 
But Francis of Lorraine, elected emperor in that year, sent an 
army to the king's support, which in 1746 obtained a signal 
victory over the Bourbons at Piacenza. Charles Emmanuel now 
threatened Genoa. The Austrian soldiers already held the town. 
But the citizens expelled them, and the republic kept her inde- 
pendence. In 1748 the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, which put an 
end to the War of the Austrian Succession, once more redivided 
Italy. Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla were formed into a duchy 
for Don Philip, brother of Charles III. of the Two Sicilies, and son 
of Philip V. of Spain. Charles III. was confirmed in his kingdom 
of the Two Sicilies. The Austrians kept Milan and Tuscany. The 
duchy of Modena was placed under the protection of the French. 
So was Genoa, which in 1755, after Paoli's insurrection against 
the misgovernment of the republic, ceded her old domain of 
Corsica to France. 

From the date of this settlement until 1792, Italy enjoyed a 
period of repose and internal amelioration under her numerous 
Forty paternal despots. It became the fashion during these 
tour forty-four years of peace to encourage the industrial 

gears' population and to experimentalize in economical re- 
peace. forms. The Austrian government in Lombardy under 
Maria Theresa was characterized by improved agriculture, regular 
administration, order, reformed taxation and increased educa- 
tion. A considerable amount of local autonomy was allowed, and 
dependence en Vienna was very slight and not irksome. The 
nobles and the clergy were rich and influential, but kept in order 

by the civil power. There was no feeling of nationality, but the 
people were prosperous, enjoyed profound peace and were 
placidly content with the existing order of things. On the death 
of Maria Theresa in 1780, the emperor Joseph II. instituted much 
wider reforms. Feudal privileges were done away with, clerical 
influence diminished and many monasteries and convents sup- 
pressed, the criminal law rendered more humane and torture 
abolished largely as a result of G. Beccaria's famous pamphlet 
Dei delitti e delle pene. At the same time Joseph's administration 
was more arbitrary, and local autonomy was to some extent 
curtailed. His anti-clerical laws produced some ill-feeling 
among the more devout part of the population. On the whole 
the Austrian rule in pre-revolutionary days was beneficial and 
far from oppressive, and helped Lombardy to recover from the 
ill-effects of the Spanish domination. It did little for the moral 
education of the people, but the same criticism applies more or 
less to all the European governments of the day. The emperor 
Francis I. ruled the grand-duchy of Tuscany by lieutenants until 
his death in 1765, when it was given, as an independent state, to 
his second son, Peter Leopold. The reign of this duke was long 
remembered as a period of internal prosperity, wise legislation 
and important public enterprise. Leopold, among other useful 
works, drained the Val di Chiana, and restored those fertile upland 
plains to agriculture. In 1790 he succeeded to the empire, and 
left Tuscany to his son Ferdinand. The kingdom of Sardinia 
was administered upon similar principles, but with less of 
geniality. Charles Emmanuel made his will law, and erased the 
remnants of free institutions from his state. At the same time 
he wisely followed his father's policy with regard to education and 
the church. This is perhaps the best that can be said of a king 
who incarnated the stolid absolutism of the period. From this 
date, however, we are able to trace the revival of independent 
thought among the Italians. The European ferment of ideas 
which preceded the French Revolution expressed itself in men 
like Alfieri, the fierce denouncer of tyrants, Beccaria, the philo- 
sopher of criminal jurisprudence, Volta, the physicist, and 
numerous political economists of Tuscany. Moved partly by 
external influences and partly by a slow internal reawakening, 
the people was preparing for the efforts of the 19th century. 
The papacy, during this period, had to reconsider the question of 
the Jesuits, who made themselves universally odious, not only in 
Italy, but also in France and Spain. In the pontificate of 
Clement XIII, they ruled the Vatican, and almost succeeded in 
embroiling the pope with the concerted Bourbon potentates of 
Europe. His successor, Clement XIV. suppressed the order 
altogether by a brief of 1773. (J. A. S.) 

D. Italy in the Napoleonic Period, 1796-1814 

The campaign of 1796 which led to the awakening of the 
Italian people to a new consciousness of unity and strength is 
detailed in the article Napoleonic Campaigns. Here we can 
attempt only a general survey of the events, political, civic and 
social, which heralded the Risorgimento in its first phase. It is 
desirable in the first place to realize the condition of Italy at 
the time when the irruption of the French and the expulsion of 
the Austrians opened up a new political vista for that oppressed 
and divided people. 

For many generations Italy had been bandied to and fro 
between the Habsburgs and the Bourbons The decline of 
French influence at the close of the reign of Louis XIV. 
left the Habsburgs and the Spanish Bourbons without ofthe 
serious rivals. The former possessed the rich duchies Frecch 
of Milan (including Mantua) and Tuscany; while Reroiu- 
through a marriage alliance with the house of Este 
of Modena (the Archduke Ferdinand had married the heiress 
of Modena) its influence over that duchy was supreme. 
It also had a few fiefs in Piedmont and in Genoese 
territory. By marrying her daughter, Maria Amelia, to the 
young duke of Parma, and another daughter, Maria Carolina, 
to Ferdinand of Naples, Maria Theresa consolidated Habsburg 
influence in the north and south of the peninsula. The Spanish 
Bourbons held Naples and Sicily, as well as the duchy of Parma. 




Of the nominally independent states the chief were the kingdom 
of Sardinia, ruled over by the house of Savoy, and comprising 
Piedmont, the isle of Sardinia and nominally Savoy and Nice, 
though the two provinces last named had virtually been lost 
to the monarchy since the campaign of 1793. Equally extensive, 
but less important in the political sphere, were the Papal States 
and Venetia, the former torpid under the obscurantist rule 
of pope and cardinals, the latter enervated by luxury and the 
policy of unmanly complaisance long pursued by doge and 
council. The ancient rival of Venice, Genoa, was likewise far 
gone in decline. The small states, Lucca and San Marino, 
completed the map of Italy. The worst governed part of the 
peninsula was the south, where feudalism lay heavily on the 
cultivators and corruption pervaded all ranks. Milan and 
Piedmont were comparatively well governed; but repugnance 
to Austrian rule in the former case, and the contagion of French 
Jacobinical opinions in the latter, brought those populations into 
increasing hostility to the rulers. The democratic propaganda, 
which was permeating all the large towns of the peninsula, then 
led to the formation of numerous and powerful clubs and secret 
societies; and the throne of Victor Amadeus III., of the house 
of Savoy, soon began to totter under the blows delivered by the 
French troops at the mountain barriers of his kingdom and under 
the insidious assaults of the friends of liberty at Turin. Plotting 
was rife at Milan, as also at Bologna, where the memory of old 
liberties predisposed men to cast off clerical rule and led to the 
first rising on behalf of Italian liberty in the year 1794. At 
Palermo the Sicilians struggled hard to establish a republic 
in place of the odious government of an alien dynasty. 
B °tl~\ ^ ne anatnemas °f the pope, the bravery of Piedmontese 
fafy. " and Austrians, and the subsidies of Great Britain 
failed to keep the league of Italian princes against 
France intact. The grand-duke of Tuscany was the first of the 
European sovereigns who made peace with, and recognized 
the French republic, early in 1793. The first fortnight of 
Napoleon's campaign of 1796 detached Sardinia from alliance 
with Austria and England. The enthusiasm of the Italians 
for the young Corsican " liberator " greatly helped his progress. 
Two months later Ferdinand of Naples sought for an armistice, 
the central duchies were easily overrun, and, early in 1797, 
Pope Pius VI. was fain to sign terms of peace with Bonaparte 
at Tolentino, practically ceding the northern part of his states, 
known as the Legations. The surrender of the last Habsburg 
stronghold, Mantua, on the 2nd of February 1797 left the field 
clear for the erection of new political institutions. 

Already the men of Reggio, Modena and Bologna had declared 
for a democratic policy, in which feudalism and clerical rule 
should have no place, and in which manhood suffrage, 
Tl> d C ' S ' together with other rights promised by Bonaparte 
Republic to the men of Milan in May 1796, should form the basis 
of a new order of things. In taking this step the 
Modenese and Romagnols had the encouragement of Bonaparte, 
despite the orders which the French directory sent to him in a 
contrary sense. The result was the formation of an assembly 
at Modena which abolished feudal dues and customs, declared 
for manhood suffrage and established the Cispadane Repubb'c 
(October 1796). 

The close of Bonaparte's victorious campaign against the 
Archduke Charles in 1797 enabled him to mature those designs 
respecting Venice which are detailed in the article Napoleon. 
On a far higher level was his conduct towards the Milanese. 
While the French directory saw in that province little more 
than a district which might be plundered and bargained for, 
Bonaparte, though by no means remiss in the exaction of gold 
and of artistic treasures, was laying the foundation of a friendly 
republic. During his sojourn at the castle of Montebello or 
Mombello, near Milan, he commissioned several of the leading 
men of northern Italy to draw up a project of constitution and 
list of reforms for that province. Meanwhile he took care to 
curb the excesses of the Italian Jacobins and to encourage 
the Moderates, who were favourable to the French connexion 
as promising a guarantee against Austrian domination and 

internal anarchy. He summed up his conduct in the letter of 
the 8th of May 1797 to the French directory, " I cool the hot 
heads here and warm the cool ones." The Transpadane 
Republic, or, as it was soon called, the Cisalpine *?* 
Republic, began its organized life on the 9th of July Republic. 
1797, with a brilliant festival at Milan. The constitu- 
tion was modelled on that of the French directory, and, lest there 
should be a majority of clerical or Jacobinical deputies, the 
French Republic through its general, Bonaparte, nominated 
and appointed the first deputies and administrators of the 
new government. In the same month it was joined by the 
Cispadane Republic; and the terms of the treaty of Campo 
Formio (October 17, 1797), while fatal to the political life 
of Venice, awarded to this now considerable state the Venetian 
territories west of the river Adige. A month later, under the 
pretence of stilling the civil strifes in the Valtelline, Bonaparte 
absorbed that Swiss district in the Cisalpine Republic, which 
thus included all the lands between Como and Verona on the 
north, and Rimini on the south. 

Early in the year 1798 the Austrians, in pursuance of the 
scheme of partition agreed on at Campo Formio, entered Venice 
and brought to an end its era of independence which 
had lasted some 1 100 years. Venice with its mainland ^° a of the 
territories east of the Adige, inclusive of Istria and ff epub uc 
Dalmatia, went to the Habsburgs, while the Venetian 
isles of the Adriatic (the Ionian Isles) and the Venetian fleet went 
to strengthen France for that eastern expedition on which 
Bonaparte had already set his heart. Venice not only paid the 
costs of the war to the two chief belligerents, but her naval 
resources also helped to launch the young general on his career 
of eastern adventure. Her former rival, Genoa, had also been 
compelled, in June 1797, to bow before the young conqueror, 
and had undergone at his hands a remodelling on the lines already 
followed at Milan. The new Genoese republic, French in all 
but name, was renamed the Ligurian Republic. 

Before he set sail for Egypt, the French had taken possession 
of Rome. Already masters of the papal fortress of Ancona, 
they began openly to challenge the pope's authority French 
at the Eternal City itself. Joseph Bonaparte, then occupa- 
French envoy to the Vatican, encouraged democratic "»" of 
manifestations; and one of them, at the close of 1797, Rome. 
led to a scuffle in which a French general, Duphot, was killed. 
The French directory at once ordered its general, Berthier, to 
march to Rome: the Roman democrats proclaimed a republic 
on the 15th of February 1798, and on their invitation Berthier 
and his troops marched in. The pope, Pius VI., was forthwith 
haled away to Siena and a year later to Valence in the south of 
France, where he died. Thus fell the temporal power. The 
" liberators " of Rome thereupon proceeded to plunder the city 
in a way which brought shame on their cause and disgrace 
(perhaps not wholly deserved) on the general left in command, 

These events brought revolution to the gates of the kingdom 
of Naples, the worst-governed part of Italy, where the boorish 
king, Ferdinand IV. {il re lazzarone, he was termed), 
and his whimsical consort, Maria Carolina, scarcely 
held in check the discontent of their own subjects. A British 
fleet under Nelson, sent into the Mediterranean in May 1798 
primarily for their defence, checkmated the designs of Bonaparte 
in Egypt, and then, returning to Naples, encouraged that court 
to adopt a spirited policy. It is now known that the influence 
of Nelson and of the British ambassador, Sir William Hamilton, 
and Lady Hamilton precipitated the rupture between Naples 
and France. The results were disastrous. The Neapolitan 
troops at first occupied Rome, but, being badly handled by 
their leader, the Austrian general, Mack, they were soon scattered 
in flight; and the Republican troops under General Tne 
Championnet, after crushing the stubborn resistance Partheno- 
of the lazzaroni, made their way into Naples and paean 
proclaimed the Parthenopaean Republic (January 23, R e P" bu ' c - 
1799). The Neapolitan Democrats chose five of the'r leading 
men to be directors, and tithes and feudal dues and customs 





In Italy. 

were abolished. Much good work was done by the Republicans 
during their brief tenure of power,but it soon came to an end owing 
to the course of events which favoured a reaction against France. 
The directors of Paris, not content with overrunning and plunder- 
ing Switzerland, had outraged German sentiment in many ways. 
Further, at the close of 1798 they virtually compelled the young 
king of Sardinia, Charles Emmanuel IV., to. abdicate at Turin. 
He retired to the island of Sardinia, while the French despoiled 
Piedmont, thereby adding fuel to the resentment rapidly growing 
against them in every part of Europe. 

The outcome of it all was the War of the Second Coalition, 
in which Russia, Austria, Great Britain, Naples and some 
secondary states of Germany took part. The incursion 
of an Austro-Russian army, led by that strange but 
magnetic being, Suvarov, decided the campaign in 
northern Italy. The French, poorly handled by Scherer and 
Serurier, were everywhere beaten, especially at Magnano (April 
5) and Cassano (April 27). Milan and Turin fell before the 
allies, and Moreau, who took over the command, had much 
difficulty in making his way to the Genoese coast-line. There 
he awaited the arrival of Macdonald with the ari y of Naples. 
That general, Championnet's successor, had been compelled by 
these reverses and by the threatening pressure of Nelson's fleet 
to evacuate Naples and central Italy. In many parts the 
peasants and townsfolk, enraged by the licence of the French, 
hung on his flank and rear. The republics set up by the French 
at Naples, Rome and Milan collapsed as soon as the French 
troops retired; and a reaction in favour of clerical arid Austrian 
influence set in with great violence. For the events which then 
occurred at Naples, so compromising to the reputation of Nelson, 
see Nelson and Naples. Sir William Hamilton was subse- 
quently recalled in a manner closely resembling a disgrace, and 
his place was taken by Paget, who behaved with more dignity 
and tact. 

Meanwhile Macdonald, after struggling through central Italy, 
had defeated an Austrian force at Modena (June 12, 1799), 
but Suvarov was able by swift movements utterly to overthrow 
him at the Trebbia (June 17-19). The wreck of his force 
drifted away helplessly towards Genoa. A month later the 
ambitious young general, Joubert, who took over Moreau's 
command and rallied part of Macdonald's following, was utterly 
routed by the Austro-Russian army at Novi (August 15) with 
the loss of 12,000 men. Joubert perished in the battle. The 
growing friction between Austria and Russia led to the transfer- 
ence of Suvarov and his Russians to Switzerland, with results 
which were to be fatal to the allies in that quarter. But in Italy 
the Austrian successes continued. Melas defeated Championnet 
near Coni on the 4th of November; and a little later the French 
garrisons at Ancona and Coni surrendered. The tricolour, 
which floated triumphantly over all the strongholds of Italy 
early in the year, at its close waved only over Genoa, where 
Massena prepared for a stubborn defence. Nice and Savoy 
also seemed at the mercy of the invaders. Everywhere the old 
order of things was restored. The death of the aged Pope 
Pius VI. at Valence (August 29, 1799) deprived the French of 
whatever advantage they had hoped to gain by dragging him 
into exile; on the 24th of March 1800 the conclave, assembled 
for greater security on the island of San Giorgio at Venice, elected 
a new pontiff, Pius VII. 

Such was the position of affairs when Bonaparte returned 
from Egypt and landed at F re jus. The contrast presented by 
his triumphs, whether real or imaginary, to the reverses 
Campaign sustame( i by the armies of the French directory, was 
Marengo, fatal to that body and to popular institutions in France. 
After the coup d'Uat of Brumaire (November 1799) he, 
as First Consul, began to* organize an expedition against the 
Austrians (Russia having now retired from the coalition), in 
northern Italy. The campaign culminating at Marengo was 
trie result. By that triumph (due to Desaix and Kellermann 
rather than directly to him), Bonaparte consolidated his own 
position in France and again laid Italy at his feet. The Austrian 
general, Melas, signed an armistice whereby he was to retire 

with his army beyond the river Mincio. Ten days earlier, 
namely on the 4th of June, Massena had been compelled by 
hunger to capitulate at Genoa; but the success at Marengo, 
followed up by that of Macdonald in north Italy, and Moreats 
at Hohenlinden (December 2, 1800), brought the emperor 
Francis to sue for peace which was finally concluded 
at Luneville on the 9th of February 1801. The ]^a^ v ni e . 
Cisalpine and Ligurian Republics (reconstituted soon 
after Marengo) were recognized by Austria on condition that they 
were independent of France. The rule of Pius VII. over the 
Papal States was admitted; and Italian affairs were arranged 
much as they were at Campo Formio: Modena and Tuscany 
now reverted to French control, their former rulers being promised 
compensation in Germany. Naples, easily worsted by the French, 
under Miollis, left the British alliance, and made peace by the 
treaty of Florence (March 1801), agreeing to withdraw her 
troops from the Papal States, to cede Piombino and the Presidii 
(in Tuscany) to France and to close her ports to British ships and 
commerce. King Ferdinand also had to accept a French garrison 
at Taranto, and other points in the south. 

Other changes took place in that year, all of them in favour 
of France. By complex and secret bargaining with the court 
of Madrid, Bonaparte procured the cession to France ^rapofeon-g 
of Louisiana, in North America, and Parma; while reorgan- 
the duke of Parma (husband of an infanta of Spain) Nation of 
was promoted by him to the duchy of Tuscany, now * r * 
renamed the kingdom of Etruria. Piedmont was declared to be 
a military division at the disposal of France (April 21, 1801); 
and on the 21st of September 1802, Bonaparte, then First Consul 
for life, issued a decree for its definitive incorporation in the 
French Republic. About that time, too, Elba fell into the hands 
of Napoleon. Piedmont was organized in six departments on 
the model of those of France, and a number of French veterans 
were settled by Napoleon in and near the fortress of Alessandria. 
Besides copying the Roman habit of planting military colonies, 
the First Consul imitated the old conquerors of the world by 
extending and completing the road-system of his outlying 
districts, especially at those important passes, the Mont Cenis 
and Simplon. He greatly improved the rough track over the 
Simplon Pass, so that, when finished in 1807, it was practicable 
for artillery. Milan was the terminus of the road, and the 
construction of the Foro Buonaparte and the completion of the 
cathedral added dignity to the Lombard capital. The Corniche 
road was improved; and public works in various parts of 
Piedmont, and the Cisalpine and Ligurian Republics attested 
the foresight and wisdom of the great organizer of industry and 
quickener of human energies. The universities of Pavia and 
Bologna were reopened and made great progress in this time of 
peace and growing prosperity. Somewhat later the Pavia canal 
was begun in order to connect Lake Como with the Adriatic 
for barge-traffic. 

The personal nature of the tie binding Italy to France was 
illustrated by a -curious incident of the winter of 1802-1803. 
Bonaparte, now First Consul for life, felt strong enough to impose 
his will on the Cisalpine Republic and to set at defiance one of 
the stipulations of the treaty of Luneville. On the pretext of 
consolidating that republic, he invited 450 of its leading men to 
come to Lyons to a consulta. In reality he and his agents had 
already provided for the passing of proposals which were agree- 
able to him. The deputies having been dazzled by fetes and 
reviews, Talleyrand and Marescalchi, ministers of foreign affairs 
at Paris and Milan, plied them with hints as to the course to be 
followed by the consulta; and, despite the rage of the more 
democratic of their number, everything corresponded to the 
wishes of the First Consul. It remained to find a chief. Very 
many were in favour of Count Melzi, a Lombard noble, who had 
been chief of the executive at Milan; but again Talleyrand and 
French agents set to work on behalf of their master, with the 
result that he was elected president for ten years. He accepted 
that office because, as he frankly informed the deputies, he had 
found no one who " for his services rendered to his country, 
his authority with the people and his separation from party 




has deserved such an office." Melzi was elected vice-president 
with merely honorary functions. The constitution comprised a 
considta charged with executive duties, a legislative body of 
150 members and a court charged with the maintenance of the 
fundamental laws. These three bodies were to be chosen by 
three electoral colleges consisting of (a) landed proprietors, 
(6) learned men and clerics, (c) merchants and traders, holding 
their sessions biennially at Milan, Bologna and Brescia re- 
spectively. In practice the consulta could override the legis- 
lature; and, as the considta was little more than the organ of 
the president, the whole constitution may be pronounced as 
autocratic as that of France after the changes brought about 
by Bonaparte in August 1802. Finally we must note that the 
Cisalpine now took the name of the Italian Republic, and that 
by a concordat with the pope, Bonaparte regulated its relations 
to the Holy See in a manner analogous to that adopted in the 
famous French concordat promulgated at Easter 1802 (see 
Concordat). It remains to add that the Ligurian Republic 
and that of Lucca remodelled their constitutions in a way some- 
what similar to that of the Cisalpine. 

Bonaparte's ascendancy did not pass unchallenged. Many of 
the Italians retained their enthusiasm for democracy and national 
independence. In 1803 movements in these directions 
o/ "fa£f* took place at Rimini, Brescia and Bologna; but they 
were sharply repressed, and most Italians came to 
acquiesce in the Napoleonic supremacy as inevitable and indeed 
beneficial. The complete disregard shown by Napoleon for one 
of the chief conditions of the treaty of Luneville (February 
1 801) — that stipulating for the independence of the Ligurian 
and Cisalpine Republics — became more and more apparent 
every year. Alike in political and commercial affairs they were 
for all practical purposes dependencies of France. Finally, 
after the proclamation of the French empire (May 18, 1804) 
Napoleon proposed to place his brother Joseph over the Italian 
state, which now took the title of kingdom of Italy. On Joseph 
declining, Napoleon finally decided to accept the crown which 
Melzi, Marescalchi, Serbelloni and others begged him to assume. 
Accordingly, on the 26th of May 1805, in the cathedral at Milan, 
he crowned himself with the iron crown of the old Lombard 
kings, using the traditional formula, " God gave it me: let him 
beware who touches it." On the 7th of June he appointed his 
step-son, Eugene Beauharnais, to be viceroy. Eugene soon found 
that his chief duty was to enforce the will of Napoleon. The 
legislature at Milan having ventured to alter some details of 
taxation, Eugene received the following rule of conduct from his 
step-father: " Your system of government is simple: the 
emperor wills it to be thus." Republicanism was now every- 
where discouraged. The little republic of Lucca, along with 
Piombino, was now awarded as a principality by the emperor 
to Elisa Bonaparte and her husband, Bacciocchi. 

In June 1805 there came a last and intolerable affront to the 
emperors of Austria and Russia, who at that very time were 
seeking to put bounds to Napoleon's ambition and to redress 
the balance of power. The French emperor, at the supposed 
request of the doge of Genoa, declared the Ligurian Republic 
to be an integral part of the French empire. This defiance to 
the sovereigns of Russia and Austria rekindled the flames of 
war. The third coalition was formed between Great Britain, 
Russia and Austria, Naples soon joining its ranks. 

For the chief events of the ensuing campaigns see Napoleonic 
Campaigns. While Massena pursued the Austrians into their 
own lands at the close of 1805, Italian forces under Eugene 
and Gouvion St Cyr {q.v.) held their ground against allied forces 
landed at Naples. After Austerlitz (December 2, 1805) 
Austria made peace by the treaty of Pressburg, ceding to the 
kingdom of Italy her part of Venetia along with the provinces 
of Istria and Dalmatia. Napoleon then turned fiercely against 
Maria Carolina of Naples upbraiding her with her " perfidy." 
He sent Joseph Bonaparte and Massena southwards with a 
strong column, compelled the Anglo-Russian forces to evacuate 
Naples, and occupied the south of the peninsula with little 
opposition except at the fortress of Gaeta. The Bourbon court 

sailed away to Palermo, where it remained for eight years 
under the protection afforded by the British fleet and a 
British army of occupation. On the 15th of February 
1806 Joseph Bonaparte entered Naples in triumph, his Bonaparte 
troops capturing there two hundred pieces of cannon, fo Naples. 
Gaeta, however, held out stoutly against the French. 
Sir Sidney Smith with a British squadron captured Capri 
(February 1806), and the peasants of the Abruzzi and Calabria 
soon began to give trouble. Worst of all was the arrival of a 
small British force in Calabria under Sir John Stuart, which 
beat off with heavy loss an attack imprudently delivered by 
General R6ynier on level ground near the village of Maida 
(July 4). The steady volleys of Kempt's light infantry 
were fatal to the French, who fell back in disorder under a 
bayonet charge of the victors, with the loss of some 2700 men. 
Calabria now rose in revolt against King Joseph, and the peasants 
dealt out savage reprisals to the French troops. On the 18th 
of July, however, Gaeta surrendered to Mass6na, and that 
marshal, now moving rapidly southwards, extricated Reynier, 
crushed the Bourbon rising in Calabria with great barbarity, 
and compelled the British force to re-embark for Sicily. At 
Palermo Queen Maria Carolina continued to make vehement 
but futile efforts for the overthrow of King Joseph. 

It is more important to observe that under Joseph and his 
ministers or advisers, including the Frenchmen Roederer, 
Dumas, Miot de Melito and the Corsican Saliceti, great progress 
was made in abolishing feudal laws and customs, in reforming 
the judicial procedure and criminal laws on the model of the 
Code Napolion, and in attempting the beginnings of elementary 
education. More questionable was Joseph's policy in closing 
and confiscating the property of 213 of the richer monasteries 
of the land. The monks were pensioned off, but though the 
confiscated property helped to fill the empty coffers of the state, 
the measure aroused widespread alarm and resentment among 
that superstitious people. 

The peace of Tilsit (July 7, 1807) enabled Napoleon to press 
on his projects for securing the command of the Mediterranean, 
thenceforth a fundamental axiom of his policy. Consequently, 
in the autumn of 1807 he urged on Joseph the adoption of vigorous 
measures for the capture of Sicily. Already, in the negotiations 
with England during the summer of 1806, the emperor had shown 
his sense of the extreme importance of gaining possession of 
that island, which indeed caused the breakdown of the peace 
proposals then being considered; and now he ordered French 
squadrons into the Mediterranean in order to secure Corfu and 
Sicily. His plans respecting Corfu succeeded. That island and 
some of the adjacent isles fell into the hands of the French 
(some of them were captured by British troops in 1809-10); 
but Sicily remained unassailable. Capri, however, fell to the 
French on the 18th of October 1808, shortly after the arrival 
at Naples of the new king, Murat. 

This ambitious marshal, brother-in-law of Napoleon, foiled 
in his hope of gaining the crown of Spain, received that of Naples 
in the summer of 1808, Joseph Bonaparte being moved 
from Naples to Madrid. This arrangement pleased ningot 
neither of the relatives of the emperor; but bis will Naples, 
now was law on the continent. Joseph left Naples on 
the 23rd of May 1808; but it was not until the 6th of September 
that Joachim Murat made his entry. A fortnight later his 
consort Caroline arrived, and soon showed a vigour and restless- 
ness of spirit which frequently clashed with the dictates of her 
brother, the emperor and the showy, unsteady policy of her 
consort. The Spanish national rising of 1808 and thereafter 
the Peninsular War diverted Napoleon's attention from the 
affairs of south Italy. In June 1809, during his campaign 
against Austria, Sir John Stuart with an Anglo-Sicilian force 
sailed northwards, captured Ischia and threw Murat into great 
alarm; but on the news of the Austrian defeat at Wagram, 
Stuart sailed back again. 

It is now time to turn to the affairs of central Italy. Early in 
1808 Napoleon proceeded with plans which he had secretly 
concerted after the treaty of Tilsit for transferring the infanta 





of Spain who, after the death of her consort, reigned at Florence 
on behalf of her young son, Charles Louis, from her kingdom of 
Etruria to the little principality of Entre Douro e 
Minho which he proposed to carve out from the north 
of Portugal. Etruria reverted to the French empire, 
but the Spanish princess and her son did not receive the promised 
indemnity. Elisa Bonaparte and her husband, Bacciocchi, 
rulers of Lucca and Piombino, became the heads of the admini- 
stration in Tuscany, Elisa showing decided governing capacity. 

The last part of the peninsula to undergo the Gallicizing influ- 
ence was the papal dominion. For some time past the relations 
between Napoleon and the pope, Pius VII., had been 
Na P o, <- 0a severely strained, chiefly because the emperor insisted 
Papacy. on controlling the church, both in France and in the 
kingdom of Italy, in a way inconsistent with the 
traditions of the Vatican, but also because the pontiff refused to 
grant the divorce between Jerome Bonaparte and the former 
Miss Patterson on which Napoleon early in the year 1806 laid so 
much stress. These and other disputes led the emperor, as 
successor of Charlemagne, to treat the pope in a very high- 
handed way. " Your Holiness (he wrote) is sovereign of Rome, 
but I am its emperor "; and he threatened to annul the pre- 
sumed " donation " of Rome by Charlemagne, unless the pope 
yielded implicit obedience to him in all temporal affairs. He 
further exploited the Charlemagne tradition for the benefit of 
the continental system, that great engine of commercial war by 
which he hoped to assure the ruin of England. This aim prompted 
the annexation of Tuscany, and his intervention in the affairs of 
the Papal States. To this the pope assented under pressure 
from Napoleon; but the latter soon found other pretexts for 
intervention, and in February 1808 a French column under 
Miollis occupied Rome, and deposed the papal authorities. 
Against this violence Pius VII. protested in vain. Napoleon 
sought to push matters to an extreme, and on the 2nd of April 
Annexa- e adopted the rigorous measure of annexing to the 
tlon of the kingdom of Italy the papal provinces of Ancona, 
Papal Urbino, Macerata and Camerina. This measure, which 
states. seemed to the pious an act of sacrilege, and to Italian 
patriots an outrage on the only independent sovereign of the 
peninsula, sufficed for the present. The outbreak of war in 
Spain, followed by the rupture with Austria in the spring of 1809, 
distracted the attention of the emperor. But after the occupation 
of Vienna the conqueror dated from that capital on the 17th of 
May 1809 a decree virtually annexing Rome and the Patri- 
monium Petri to the French empire. Here again he cited the 
action of Charlemagne, his " august predecessor," who had 
merely given " certain domains to the bishops of Rome as fiefs, 
though Rome did not thereby cease to be part of his empire." 

In reply the pope prepared a bull of excommunication against 
those who should infringe the prerogatives of the Holy See in 
this matter. Thereupon the French general, Miollis, who still 
occupied Rome, caused the pope to be arrested and carried him 
away northwards into Tuscany, thence to Savona; finally he was 
taken, at Napoleon's orders, to Fontainebleau. Thus, a second 
time, fell the temporal power of the papacy. By an imperial 
decree of the 17th of February 1810, Rome and the neighbouring 
districts, including Spoleto, became part of the French empire. 
Rome thenceforth figured as its second city, and entered upon 
a new life under the administration of French officials. The 
Roman territory was divided into two departments — the Tiber 
and Trasimenus; the Code Napoleon was introduced, public works 
were set on foot and great advance was made in the material 
sphere. Nevertheless the harshness with which the emperor 
treated the Roman clergy and suppressed the monasteries 
caused deep resentment to the orthodox. 

There is no need to detail the fortunes of the Napoleonic states 
in Italy. One and all they underwent the influences emanating 
Character ^ rom Paris; an d in respect to civil administration, 
ofNapo- law, judicial procedure, education and public works, 
koas they all experienced great benefits, the results of which 
"'*• never wholly disappeared. On the other hand, they 

suffered from the rigorous measures of the continental system, 

which seriously crippled trade at the ports and were not com- 
pensated by the increased facilities for trade with France which 
Napoleon opened up. The drain of men to supply his armies in 
Germany, Spain and Russia was also a serious loss. A powerful 
Italian corps marched under Eugene Beauharnais to Moscow, 
and distinguished itself at Malo-Jaroslavitz, as also during thfc 
horrors of the retreat in the closing weeks of 1812. It is said that 
out of 27,000 Italians who entered Russia with Eugene, only 333 
saw their country again. That campaign marked the beginning of 
the end for the Napoleonic domination in Italy as else- collapse 
where. Murat, left in command of the Grand Army at ofNapo- 
Vilna, abandoned his charge and in the next year made leon's 
overtures to the allies who coalesced against Napoleon. ru,e ' 
For his vacillations at this time and his final fate, see Murat. 
Here it must suffice to say that the uncertainty caused by his 
policy in 1813-1814 had no small share in embarrassing Napoleon 
and in precipitating the downfall of his power in Italy. Eugene 
Beauharnais, viceroy of the kingdom of Italy, snowed both 
constancy and courage; but after the battle of Leipzig (October 
16-19, I 8i3) his power crumbled away under the assaults of 
the now victorious Austrians. By an arrangement with Bavaria, 
they were able to march through Tirol and down the valley of the 
Adige in force, and overpowered the troops of Eugene whose 
position was fatally compromised by the defection of Murat and 
the dissensions among the Italians. Very many of them, distrust- 
ing both of these kings, sought to act independently in favour 
of an Italian republic. Lord William Bentinck with an Anglo- 
Sicilian force landed at Leghorn on the 8th of March 1814, and 
issued a proclamation to the Italians bidding them rise against 
Napoleon in the interests of their own freedom. A little later he 
gained possession of Genoa. Amidst these schisms the defence 
of Italy collapsed. On the 16th of April 1814 Eugene, on hearing 
of Napoleon's overthrow at Paris, signed an armistice at Mantua 
by which he was enabled to send away the French troops beyond 
the Alps and entrust himself to the consideration of the allies. 
The Austrians, under General Bellegarde, entered Milan without 
resistance; and this event precluded the restoration of the old 
political order. 

The arrangements made by the allies in accordance with the 
treaty of Paris (June 12, 18 14) and the Final Act of the congress 
of Vienna (June 9, 1815), imposed on Italy boundaries which, 
roughly speaking, corresponded to those of the pre-Napoleonic 
era. To the kingdom of Sardinia, now reconstituted under 
Victor Emmanuel I., France ceded its old provinces, Savoy and 
Nice; and the allies, especially Great Britain and Austria, 
insisted on the addition to that monarchy of the territories of 
the former republic of Genoa, in respect of which the king took 
the title of duke of Genoa, in order to strengthen it for the duty 
of acting as a buffer state between France and the smaller states 
of central Italy. Austria recovered the Milanese, and all the 
possessions of the old Venetian Republic on the mainland, 
including Istria and Dalmatia. The Ionian Islands, formerly 
belonging to Venice, were, by a treaty signed at Paris on the 
5th of November 1815, placed under the protection of Great 
Britain. By an instrument signed on the 24th of April 1815, 
the Austrian territories in north Italy were erected into the 
kingdom of Lombardo-Venetia, which, though an integral part 
of the Austrian empire, was to enjoy a separate administration, 
the symbol of its separate individuality being the coronation 
of the emperors with the ancient iron crown cf Lombardy 
("Proclamation de l'empereur d'Autriche, &c," April 7, 1815, 
State Papers, ii. 906). Francis IV., son of the archduke 
Ferdinand of Austria and Maria Beatrice, daughter of Ercole 
Rinaldo, the last of the Estensi, was reinstated as duke of 
Modena. Parma and Piacenza were assigned to Marie Louise, 
daughter of the Austrian emperor and wife of Napoleon, on 
behalf of her son, the little Napoleon, but by subsequent arrange- 
ments (18T6-1817) the duchy was to revert at her death to the 
Bourbons of Parma, then reigning at Lucca. Tuscany was 
restored to the grand-duke Ferdinand III. of Habsburg-Lorraine. 
The duchy of Lucca was given to Marie Louise of Bourbon- 
Parma, who, at the death of Marie Louise of Austria, would 

4 8 



return to Parma, when Lucca would be handed over to Tuscany. 
The pope, Pius VIi., who had long been kept under restraint 
by Napoleon at Fontainebleau, returned to Rome in May 1814, 
and was recognized by the congress of Vienna (not without 
some demur on the part of Austria) as the sovereign of all the 
former possessions of the Holy See. Ferdinand IV. of Naples, 
not long after the death of his consort, Maria Carolina, in Austria, 
returned from Sicily to take possession of his dominions on the 
mainland. He received them back in their entirety at the hands 
of the powers, who recognized his new title of Ferdinand I. of 
the Two Sicilies. The rash attempt of Murat in the autumn of 
1815, which led to his death at Pizzo in Calabria, enabled the 
Bourbon dynasty to crush malcontents with all the greater 
severity. The reaction, which was dull and heavy in the 
dominions of the pope and of Victor Emmanuel, systematically 
harsh in the Austrian states of the north, and comparatively 
mild in Parma and Tuscany, excited the greatest loathing in 
southern Italy and Sicily, because there it was directed by a 
dynasty which had aroused feelings of hatred mingled with 

There were special reasons why Sicily should harbour these 
feelings against the Bourbons. During eight years (1806-1814) 
the chief places of the island had been garrisoned by British 
troops; and the commander of the force which upheld the 
tottering rule of Ferdinand at Palermo naturally had great 
authority. The British government, which awarded a large 
annual subsidy to the king and queen at Palermo, claimed to 
have some control over the administration. Lord William 
Bentinck finally took over large administrative powers, seeing 
that Ferdinand, owing to his dulness, and Maria Carolina, owing 
to her very suspicious intrigues with Napoleon, could never be 
trusted. The contest between the royal power and that of the 
Sicilian estates threatened to bring matters to a deadlock, until 
in 181 2, under the impulse of Lord William Bentinck, a con- 
stitution modelled largely on that of England was passed by 
the estates. After the retirement of the British troops in 1814 
the constitution lapsed, and the royal authority became once 
more absolute. But the memory of the benefits conferred by 
" the English constitution " remained fresh and green amidst 
the arid waste of repression which followed. It lived on as one 
of the impalpable but powerful influences which spurred on the 
Sicilians and the democrats of Naples to the efforts which they 
put forth in 1821, 1830, 1848 and i860: 

This result, accruing from British intervention, was in some 
respects similar to that exerted by Napoleon on the Italians of 
the mainland. The brutalities of Austria's white coats in the 
north, the unintelligent repression then characteristic of the 
house of Savoy, the petty spite of the duke of Modena, the 
medieval obscurantism of pope and cardinals in the middle of the 
peninsula and the clownish excesses of Ferdinand in the south, 
could not blot out from the minds of the Italians the recollection 
of the benefits derived from the just laws, vigorous administra- 
tion and enlightened aims of the great emperor. The hard but 
salutary training which they had undergone at his hands had 
taught them that they were the equals of the northern races 
both in the council chamber and on the field of battle. It had 
further revealed to them that truth, which once grasped can 
never be forgotten, that, despite differences of climate, character 
and speech, they were in all essentials a nation. (J. Hl. R.) ' 

E. The Risorgimento, 1815-1870 

As the result of the Vienna treaties, Austria became the real 
mistress of Italy. Not only did she govern Lombardy and 
Venetia directly, but Austrian princes ruled in Modena, Parma 
and Tuscany; Piacenza, Ferrara and Comacchio had Austrian 
garrisons; Prince Metternich, the Austrian chancellor, believed 
that he could always secure the election of an Austrophil pope, 
and Ferdinand of Naples, reinstated by an Austrian army, 
had bound himself, by a secret article of the treaty of June 12, 
181 5, not to introduce methods of government incompatible 
with those adopted in Austria's Italian possessions. Austria 
also concluded offensive and defensive alliances with Sardinia, 

Tuscany and Naples; and Metternich 's ambition was to make 
Austrian predominance over Italy still more absolute, by placing 
an Austrian archduke on the Sardinian throne. 

Victor Emmanuel I., the king of Sardinia, was the only native 
ruler in the peninsula, and the Savoy dynasty was popular with 
all classes. But although welcomed with enthusiasm R eac ti on 
on his return to Turin, he introduced a system of in the 
reaction which, if less brutal, was no less uncom- Italian 
promising than that of Austrian archdukes or Bourbon state& 
princes. His object was to restore his dominions to the condi- 
tions preceding the French occupation. The French system of 
taxation was maintained because it brought in ampler revenues; 
but feudalism, the antiquated legislation and bureaucracy were 
revived, and all the officers and officials still living who had served 
the state before the Revolution, many of them now in their 
dotage, were restored to their posts; only nobles were eligible for 
the higher government appointments; all who had served under 
the French administration were dismissed or reduced in rank, 
and in the army beardless scions of the aristocracy were placed 
over the heads of war-worn veterans who had commanded 
regiments in Spain and Russia. The influence of a bigoted 
priesthood was re-established, and " every form of intellectual 
and moral torment, everything save actual persecution and 
physical torture that could be inflicted on ■ the ' impure ' was 
inflicted " (Cesare Balbo's Autobiography). All this soon pro- 
voked discontent among the educated classes. In Genoa the 
government was particularly unpopular, for the Genoese resented 
being handed over to their old enemy Piedmont like a flock of 
sheep. Nevertheless the king strongly disliked the Austrians, 
and would willingly have seen them driven from Italy. 

In Lombardy French rule had ended by making itself un- 
popular, and even before the fall of Napoleon a national party, 
called the Italici puri, had begun to advocate the 
independence of Lombardy, or even its union with Austrian 
Sardinia. At first a part of the population were Italy. 
content with Austrian rule, which provided an honest 
and efficient administration; but the rigid system of centraliza- 
tion which, while allowing the semblance of local autonomy, 
sent every minute question for settlement to Vienna; the 
severe police methods; the bureaucracy, in which the best 
appointments were usually conferred on Germans or Slavs 
wholly dependent on Vienna, proved galling to the people, and 
in view of the growing disaffection the country was turned 
into a vast armed camp. In Modena Duke Francis proved 
a cruel tyrant. In Parma, on the other hand, there was 
very little oppression, the French codes were retained, and 
the council of state was consulted on all legislative matters. 
Lucca too enjoyed good government, and the peasantry were 
well cared for and prosperous. In Tuscany the rule of Ferdinand 
and of his minister Fossombroni was mild and benevolent, 
but enervating and demoralizing. The Papal States were 
ruled by a unique system of theocracy, for not only the head of 
the state but all the more important officials were ecclesiastics, 
assisted by the Inquisition, the Index and all the paraphernalia 
of medieval church government. The administration 
was inefficient and corrupt, the censorship uncom- inRome. 
promising, the police ferocious and oppressive, although 
quite unable to cope with the prevalent anarchy and brigandage; 
the antiquated pontifical statutes took the place of the French 
laws, and every vestige of the vigorous old communal independ- 
ence was swept away. In Naples King Ferdinand retained 
some of the laws and institutions of Murat's regime, and many 
of the functionaries of the former government entered 
his service; but he revived the Bourbon tradition, 
the odious police system and the censorship; and a degrading 
religious bigotry, to which the masses were all too much inclined, 
became the basis of government and social life. The upper 
classes were still to a large extent inoculated with French ideas, 
but the common people were either devoted to the dynasty or 
indifferent. In Sicily, which for centuries had enjoyed a feudal 
constitution modernized and Anglicized under British auspices 
in 181 2, and where anti-Neapolitan feeling was strong, autonomy 





was suppressed, the constitution abolished in 1816, and the 
island, as a reward for its fidelity to the dynasty, converted into 
a Neapolitan province governed by Neapolitan bureaucrats. 

To the mass of the people the restoration of the old govern- 
ments undoubtedly brought a sense of relief, for the terrible 
drain in men and money caused by Napoleon's wars had caused 
much discontent, whereas now there was a prospect of peace and 
rest. But the restored governments in their terror of revolution 
would not realize that the late regime had wafted a breath of 
new life over the country and left ineffaceable traces in the way 
of improved laws, efficient administration, good roads and the 
sweeping away of old abuses; while the new-born idea of 
Italian unity, strengthened by a national pride revived on many 
a stricken field from Madrid to Moscow, was a force to be 
reckoned with. The oppression and follies of the restored 
governments made men forget the evils of French rule and 
remember only its good side. The masses were still more or 
less indifferent, but among the nobility and the educated middle 
Secret classes, cut off from all part in free political life, there 
societies, was developed either the spirit of despair at Italy's 
The Car- mora i degradation, as expressed in the writings of 
Foscolo and Leopardi, or a passion of hatred and 
revolt, which found its manifestation, in spite of severe laws, 
in the development of secret societies. The most important of 
these were the Carbonari lodges, whose objects were the expulsion 
of the foreigner and the achievement of constitutional freedom 
(see Carbonari). 

When Ferdinand returned to Naples in 181 5 he found the 
kingdom, and especially the army, honeycombed with Carbonar- 
Revoiu- * sm > t0 w hi cn many noblemen and officers were 
thtt la affiliated; and although the police instituted prosecu- 
Napies, tions and organized the counter-movement of the 
Calderai, who may be compared to the " Black 
Hundreds " of modern Russia, the revolutionary spirit continued 
to grow, but it was not at first anti-dynastic. The granting 
of the Spanish constitution of 1820 proved the signal for the 
beginning of the Italian liberationist movement; a military 
mutiny led by two officers, Silvati and Morelli, and the priest 
Menichini, broke out at Monteforte, to the cry of " God, the 
King, and the Constitution!" The troops sent against them 
commanded by General Guglielmo Pepe, himself a Carbonaro, 
hesitated to act, and the king, finding that he could not count 
on the army, granted the constitution (July 13, 1820), and 
appointed his son Francis regent. The events that followed 
are described in the article on the history of Naples (q.v.). Not 
only did the constitution, which was modelled on the impossible 
Spanish constitution of 181 2, prove unworkable, but the powers 
of the Grand Alliance, whose main object was to keep the peace 
of Europe, felt themselves bound to interfere to prevent the evil 
precedent of a successful military revolution. The diplomatic 
developments that led to the intervention of Austria are sketched 
elsewhere (see Europe : History) ; in general the result of the 
deliberations of the congresses of Troppau and Laibach was to 
establish, not the general right of intervention claimed in the 
Troppau Protocol, but the special right of Austria to safeguard 
her interests in Italy. The defeat of General Pepe by the 
Austrians at Rieti (March 7, 1821) and the re-establishment 
of King Ferdinand's autocratic power under the protection of 
Austrian bayonets were the effective assertion of this principle. 

The movement in Naples had been purely local, for the 
Neapolitan Carbonari had at that time no thought save of 
Naples; it was, moreover, a movement of the middle 
revolun an( ^ u PP er classes in which the masses took little 
Piedmont, interest. Immediately after the battle of Rieti a 
Carbonarist mutiny broke out in Piedmont independ- 
ently of events in the south. Both King Victor Emmanuel and 
his brother Charles Felix had no sons, and the heir presumptive 
to the throne was Prince Charles Albert, of the Carignano 
branch of the house of Savoy. Charles Albert felt a certain 
interest in Liberal ideas and was always surrounded by young 
nobles of Carbonarist and anti-Austrian tendencies, and was 
therefore regarded with suspicion by his royal relatives. Metter- 

nich, too, had an instinctive dislike for him, and proposed to 
exclude him from the succession by marrying one of the king's 
daughters to Francis of Modena, and getting the Salic law 
abolished so that the succession would pass to the duke and 
Austria would thus dominate Piedmont. The Liberal movement 
had gained ground in Piedmont as in Naples among the younger 
nobles and officers, and the events of Spain and southern Italy 
aroused much excitement. In March 1821, Count Santorre di 
Santarosa and other conspirators informed Charles Albert of a 
constitutional and anti-Austrian plot, and asked for his help. 
After a momentary hesitation he informed the king; but at 
his request no arrests were made, and no precautions were 
taken. On the 10th of March the garrison of Alessandria 
mutinied, and its example was followed on the 12th by that 
of Turin, where the Spanish constitution was demanded, and 
the black, red and blue flag of the Carbonari paraded the streets. 
The next day the king abdicated after appointing Charles Albert 
regent. The latter immediately proclaimed the constitution, 
but the new king, Charles Felix, who was at Modena at the time, 
repudiated the regent's acts and exiled him to Tuscany; and, 
with his consent, an Austrian army invaded Piedmont and 
crushed the constitutionalists at Novara. Many of the con- 
spirators were condemned to death, but all succeeded in escaping. 
Charles Felix was most indignant with the ex-regent, but he 
resented, as an unwarrantable interference, Austria's attempt 
to have him excluded from the succession at the congress of 
Verona (1822). Charles Albert's somewhat equivocal conduct 
also roused the hatred of the Liberals, and for a long time the 
esecrato Carignano was regarded, most unjustly, as a traitor 
even by many who were not republicans. 

Carbonarism had been introduced into Lombardy by two 
Romagnols, Count Laderchi and Pietro Maroncelli, but the 
leader of the movement was Count F. Confalonieri, 
who was in favour of an Italian federation composed i B £on\- m 
of northern Italy under the house of Savoy, central bardy. 
Italy under the pope, and the kingdom of Naples. 
There had been some mild plotting against Austria in Milan, 
and an attempt was made to co-operate with the Piedmontese 
movement of 1821; already in 1820 Maroncelli and the poet 
Silvio Pellico had been arrested as Carbonari, and after the 
movement in Piedmont more arrests were made. The mission 
of Gaetano Castiglia and Marquis Giorgio Pallavicini to Turin, 
where they had interviewed Charles Albert, although without 
any definite result — for Confalonieri had warned the prince that 
Lombardy was not ready to rise — was accidentally discovered, 
and Confalonieri was himself arrested. The plot would never 
have been a menace to Austria but for her treatment of the 
conspirators. Pellico and Maroncelli were immured in the 
Spielberg; Confalonieri and two dozen others were condemned 
to death, their sentences being, however, commuted to imprison- 
ment in that same terrible fortress. The heroism of the prisoners, 
and Silvio Pellico's account of his imprisonment (Le mie Prigioni), 
did much to enlist the sympathy of Europe for the Italian cause. 
During the next few years order reigned in Italy, save for a 
few unimportant outbreaks in the Papal States; there was, 
however, perpetual discontent and agitation, especially _. p . 
in Romagna, where misgovernment was extreme, states. 
Under Pius VII. and his minister Cardinal Consalvi 
oppression had not been very severe, and Metternich's proposal 
to establish a central inquisitorial tribunal for political offences 
throughout Italy had been rejected by the papal government. 
But on the death of Pius in 1823, his successor Leo XII. (Cardinal 
Delia Genga) proved a ferocious reactionary under whom 
barbarous laws were enacted and torture frequently applied. 
The secret societies, such as the Carbonari, the Adelfi and the 
Bersaglieri d'America, which flourished in Romagna, replied 
to these persecutions by assassinating the more brutal officials 
ans spies. The events of 1820-1821 increased the agitation in 
Romagna, and in 1825 large numbers of persons were condemned 
to death, imprisonment or exile. The society of the Sanfedisti, 
formed of the dregs of the populace, whose object was to murder 
every Liberal, was openly protected and encouraged. Leo died 




in 1829, and the mild, religious Pius VIII. (Cardinal Castiglioni) 
only reigned until 1830, when Gregory XVI. (Cardinal Cappellari) 
was elected through Austrian influence, and proved another 
zelante. The July revolution in Paris and the declara- 
Revohi- t j Qn £ ^e new king, Louis Philippe, that France, as 
1830. a Liberal monarchy, would not only not intervene 

in the internal affairs of other countries, but would 
not permit other powers to do so, aroused great hopes among the 
oppressed peoples, and was the immediate cause of a revolution 
in Romagna and the Marches. In February 1831 these provinces 
rose, raised the red, white and green tricolor (which henceforth 
took the place of the Carbonarist colours as the Italian flag), 
and shook off the papal yoke with surprising ease. 1 At Parma 
too there was an outbreak and a demand for the constitution; 
Marie Louise could not grant it because of her engagements 
with Austria, and, therefore, abandoned her dominions. In 
Modena Duke Francis, ambitious of enlarging his territories, 
coquetted with the Carbonari of Paris, and opened indirect 
negotiations with Menotti, the revolutionary leader in his state, 
believing that he might assist him in his plans. Menotti, for 
his part, conceived the idea of a united Italian state under the 
duke. A rising was organized for February 1831; but Francis 
got wind of it, and, repenting of his dangerous dallying with 
revolution, arrested Menotti and fled to Austrian territory with 
his prisoner. In his absence the insurrection took place, and 
Biagio Nardi, having been elected dictator, proclaimed that 
" Italy is one; the Italian nation one sole nation." But the 
French king soon abandoned his principle of non-intervention 
on which the Italian revolutionists had built their hopes; the 
Austrians intervened unhindered; the old governments were 
re-established in Parma, Modena and Romagna; and Menotti 
and many other patriots were hanged. The Austrians evacuated 
Romagna in July, but another insurrection having broken out 
immediately afterwards which the papal troops were unable 
to quell, they returned. This second intervention gave umbrage 
to France, who by way of a counterpoise sent a force to occupy 
Ancona. These two foreign occupations, which were almost 
as displeasing to the pope as to the Liberals, lasted until 1838. 
The powers, immediately after the revolt, presented a memor- 
andum to Gregory recommending certain moderate reforms, 
but no attention was paid to it. These various movements 
proved in the first place that the masses were by no means ripe 
for revolution, and that the idea of unity, although now advocated 
by a few revolutionary leaders, was far from being generally 
accepted even by the Liberals; and, secondly, that, in spite of 
the indifference of the masses, the despotic governments were 
unable to hold their own without the assistance of foreign 

On the 27th of April 1831, Charles Albert succeeded Charles 
Felix on the throne of Piedmont. Shortly afterwards he received 
Mazzlal a letter from an unknown person, in which he was 
and exhorted with fiery eloquence to place himself at the 

" Young head of the movement for liberating and uniting 
Italy." Italy and expelling the foreigner, and told that he 
was free to choose whether he would be " the first of men or the 
last of Italian tyrants." The author was Giuseppe Mazzini, 
then a young man of twenty-six years, who, though in theory a 
republican, was ready to accept the leadership of a prince of 
the house of Savoy if he would guide the nation to freedom. 
The only result of his letter, however, was that he was forbidden 
to re-enter Sardinian territory. Mazzini, who had learned to 
distrust Carbonarism owing to its lack of a guiding principle 
and its absurd paraphernalia of ritual and mystery, had conceived 
the idea of a more serious political association for the emancipa- 
tion of his country not only from foreign and domestic despotism 
but from national faults of character; and this idea he had 
materialized in the organization of a society called the Giovane 
Italia (Young Italy) among the Italian refugees at Marseilles. 
After the events of 1831 he declared that the liberation of Italy 
could only be achieved through unity, and his great merit lies 

1 Among the insurgents of Romagna was Louis Napoleon, after- 
wards emperor of the French. 

in having inspired a large number of Italians with that idea at 
a time when provincial jealousies and the difficulty of communica- 
tions maintained separatist feelings. Young Italy spread to 
all centres of Italian exiles, and by means of literature carried 
on an active propaganda in Italy itself, where the party came 
to be called " Ghibellini," as though reviving the traditions 
of medieval anti-Papalism. Though eventually this activity 
of the Giovane Italia supplanted that of the older societies, 
in practice it met with no better success; the two attempts 
to invade Savoy in the hope of seducing the army from its 
allegiance failed miserably, and only resulted in a series of 
barbarous sentences of death and imprisonment which made 
most Liberals despair of Charles Albert, while they called down 
much criticism on Mazzini as the organizer of raids in which 
he himself took no part. He was now forced to leave France, 
but continued his work of agitation from London. The disorders 
in Naples and Sicily in 1837 had no connexion with Mazzini, 
but the forlorn hope of the brothers Bandiera, who in 1844 
landed on the Calabrian coast, was the work of the Giovane 
Italia. The rebels were captured and shot, but the significance 
of the attempt lies in the fact that it was the first occasion on 
which north Italians (the Bandieras were Venetians and officers 
in the Austrian navy) had tried to raise the standard of revolt 
in the south. 

Romagna had continued a prey to anarchy ever since 1831; 
the government organized armed bands called the Centurioni 
(descended from the earlier Sanfedisti) , to terrorize the Liberals, 
while the secret societies continued their " propaganda by 
deeds." It is noteworthy that Romagna was the only part of 
Italy where the revolutionary movement was accompanied by 
murder. In 1845 several outbreaks occurred, and a band led by 
Pietro Renzi captured Rimini, whence a proclamation drawn up 
by L. C. Farini was issued demanding the reforms advocated by 
the powers' memorandum of 1 83 1. But the movement collapsed 
without result, and the leaders fled to Tuscany. 

Side by side with the Mazzinian propaganda in favour of a united 
Italian republic, which manifested itself in secret societies, plots and 
insurrections, there was another Liberal movement based 
on the education of opinion and on economic development. i, ** ra " s ' n 
In Piedmont, in spite of the government's reactionary an , 
methods, a large part of the population were genuinely ^gyjj^lf 
attached to the Savoy dynasty, and the idea of a regenera- _.„_/ 
tion of Italy under its auspices began to gain ground. 
Some writers proclaimed the necessity of building railways, develop- 
ing agriculture and encouraging industries, before resorting to 
revolution ; while others, like the Tuscan Gino Capponi, inspired by 
the example of England and France, wished to make the people fit 
for freedom by means of improved schools, books and periodicals. 
Vincenzo Gioberti (q.v.) published in 1843 his famous treatise Del 
primato morale e civile degli Italiani, a work, which, in striking con- 
trast to the prevailing pessimism of the day, extolled the past great- 
ness and achievements of the Italian people and their present virtues. 
His political ideal was a federation of all the Italian states under the 
presidency of the pope, on a basis of Catholicism, but without a 
constitution. In spite of all its inaccuracies and exaggerations the 
book served a useful purpose in reviving the self-respect of a de- 
spondent people. Another work of a similar kind was Le Speranze 
d'ltalia (1844) by the Piedmontese Count Cesare Balbo (q.v.). Like 
Gioberti he advocated a federation of Italian states, but he declared 
that before this could be achieved Austria must be expelled from 
Italy and compensation found for her in the Near East by making 
her a Danubian power — a curious forecast that Italy's liberation 
would begin with an eastern war. He extolled Charles Albert 
and appealed to his patriotism; he believed that the church was 
necessary and the secret societies harmful; representative govern- 
ment was undesirable, but he advocated a consultative assembly. 
Above all Italian character must be reformed and the nation edu- 
cated. A third important publication was Massimo d'Azeglio's 
Degli ultimi cast di Romagna, in which the author, another Pied- 
montese nobleman, exposed papal misgovernment while condemning 
the secret societies and advocating open resistance and protest. He 
upheld the papacy in principle, regarded Austria as the great enemy 
of Italian regeneration, and believed that the means of expelling her 
were only to be found in Piedmont. 

Besides the revolutionists and republicans who promoted con- 
spiracy and insurrection whenever possible, and the moderates or 
" Neo-Guelphs," as Gioberti's followers were called, we 
must mention the Italian exiles who were learning the art »JJ. a 

of war in foreign countries — in Spain, in Greece, in ex n es 

Poland, in South America — and those other exiles who, in 
Paris or London, eked out a bare subsistence by teaching Italian or 




by their pen, and laid the foundations of that love of Italy which, 
especially in England, eventually brought the weight of diplomacy 
into the scales for Italian freedom. All these forces were equally 
necessary — the revolutionists to keep up agitation and make govern- 
ment by bayonets impossible; the moderates to curb the impetu- 
osity of the revolutionists and to present a scheme of society that 
was neither reactionary nor anarchical; the volunteers abroad to 
gain military experience ; and the more peaceful exiles to spread the 
name of Italy among foreign peoples. All the while a vast amount of 
revolutionary literature was being printed in Switzerland, France 
and England, and smuggled into Italy ; the poet Giusti satirized the 
Italian princes, the dramatist G. B. Niccolini blasted tyranny in his 
tragedies, the novelist Guerrazzi re-evoked the memories of the last 
struggle for Florentine freedom in L'Assedio di Firenze, and Verdi's 
operas bristled with political double entendres which escaped the censor 
but were understood and applauded by the audience. 

On the death of Pope Gregory XVI. in 1846 Austria hoped to 
secure the election of another zealot; but the Italian cardinals, 
who did'not want an Austrophil, finished the conclave 
Plus IX. before the arrival of Cardinal Gaysriick, Austria's 
mouthpiece, and in June elected Giovanni Maria 
Mastai Ferretti as Pius IX. The new pope, who while bishop 
of Imole had evinced a certain interest in Liberalism, was 
a kindly man, of inferior intelligence, who thought that 
all difficulties could be settled with a little good-will, some 
reforms and a political amnesty. The amnesty which he 
granted was the beginning of the immense if short-lived popularity 
which he was to enjoy. But he did not move so fast in the path 
of reform as was expected, and agitation continued throughout 
the papal states. 1 In 1847 some administrative reforms were 
enacted, the laity were admitted to certain offices, railways were 
talked about, and political newspapers permitted. In April 
Pius created a Consulla, or consultative assembly, and soon 
afterwards a council of ministers and a municipality for Rome. 
Here he would willingly have stopped, but he soon realized that 
he had hardly begun. Every fresh reform edict was greeted with 
demonstrations of enthusiasm, but the ominous cry " Viva Pio 
Nonosolo!" signified dissatisfaction with the whole system of 
government. A lay ministry was now demanded, a constitution, 
and an Italian federation for war against Austria. Rumours of a 
reactionary plot by Austria and the Jesuits against Pius, induced 
him to create a national guard and to appoint Cardinal Ferretti 
as secretary of state. 

Events in Rome produced widespread excitement throughout 
Europe. Metternich had declared that the one thing which had 
not entered into his calculations was a Liberal pope, only that was 
an impossibility ; still he was much disturbed by Pius's attitude, 
and tried to stem the revolutionary tide by frightening the 
princes. Seizing the agitation in Romagna as a pretext, he had 
the town of Ferrara occupied by Austrian troops, which provoked 
the indignation not only of the Liberals but also of the pope, for 
according to the treaties Austria had the right of occupying the 
citadel alone. There was great resentment throughout Italy, and 
in answer to the pope's request Charles Albert declared that he 
was with him in everything, while from South America Giuseppe 
Garibaldi wrote to offer his services to His Holiness. Charles 
Albert, although maintaining his reactionary policy, had intro- 
duced administrative reforms, built railways, reorganized the 
army and developed the resources of the country. He had little 
sympathy with Liberalism and abhorred revolution, but his 
hatred of Austria and his resentment at the galling tutelage to 
which she subjected him had gained strength year by year. 
Religion was still his dominant passion, and when a pope in 
Liberal guise appeared on the scene and was bullied by Austria, 
his two strongest feelings — piety and hatred of Austria — ceased 
Revolu- t0 b e incompatible. In 1847 Lord Minto visited the 
tionary Italian courts to try to induce the recalcitrant despots 
agitation, to mend their ways, so as to avoid revolution and war, 
I84T. (.jjg latter being England's especial anxiety; this 

mission, although not destined to produce much effect, aroused 
extravagant hopes among the Liberals. Charles Louis, the opera- 

1 In Rome itself a certain Angelo Brunetti, known as Ciceruacchio, 
a forage merchant of lowly birth and a Carbonaro, exercised great 
influence over the masses and kept the peace where the authorities 
would have failed. 

boufie duke of Lucca, who had coquetted with Liberalism in the 
past, now refused to make any concessions to his subjects, and in 
1847 sold his duchy to Leopold II. of Tuscany (the successor of 
Ferdinand III. since 1824) to whom it would have reverted in any 
case at the death of the duchess of Parma. At the same time 
Leopold ceded Lunigiana to Parma and Modena in equal parts, 
an arrangement which provoked the indignation of the in- 
habitants of the district (especially of those destined to be ruled 
by Francis V. of Modena, who had succeeded to Francis IV. in 
1846), and led to disturbances at Fivizzano. In September 1847, 
Leopold gave way to .the popular agitation for a national guard, 
in spite of Metternich's threats, and allowed greater freedom of 
the press; every concession made by the pope was followed by 
demands for a similar measure in Tuscany. 

Ferdinand I. of the Two Sicilies had died in 1825, and was 
succeeded by Francis I. At the latter's death in 1830 Ferdinand 
II. succeeded, and although at first he gave promise of proving a 
wiser ruler, he soon reverted to the traditional Bourbon methods. 
An ignorant bigot, he concentrated the whole of the executive 
into his own hands, was surrounded by priests and monks, and 
served by an army of spies. In 1847 there were unimportant 
disturbances in various parts of the kingdom, but there was no 
anti-dynastic outbreak, the jealousy between Naples and Sicily 
largely contributing to the weakness of the movement. On the 
1 2th of January, however, a revolution, the first of the many 
throughout Europe that was to make the year 1848 memorable, 
broke out at Palermo under the leadership of Ruggiero Settimo. 
The Neapolitan army sent to crush the rising was at first un- 
successful, and the insurgents demanded the constitution of 181 2 
or complete independence. Disturbances occurred at Naples 
also, and the king, who could not obtain Austrian help, as the 
pope refused to allow Austrian troops to pass through his 
dominions, on the advice of his prime minister, the duke of 
Serracapriola, granted a constitution, freedom of the press, the 
national guard, &c. (January 28). 

The news from Naples strengthened the demand for a con- 
stitution in Piedmont. Count Camillo Cavour, then editor of a 
new and influential paper called // Risorgimento, had 
advocated it strongly, and monster demonstrations * evo *«- 
were held every day. The king disliked the idea, but i848. 
great pressure was brought to bear on him, and 
finally, on the 4th of March 1848, he granted the charter which 
was destined to be the constitution of the future Italian kingdom. 
It provided for a nominated senate and an elective chamber of 
deputies, the king retaining the right of veto; the press censor- 
ship was abolished, and freedom of meeting, of the press and of 
speech were guaranteed. Balbo was called upon to form the first 
constitutional ministry. Three days later the grand-duke of 
Tuscany promised similar liberties, and a charter, prepared by a 
commission which included Gino Capponi and Bettino Ricasoli, 
was promulgated on the 17th. 

In the Austrian provinces the situation seemed calmer, and 
the government rejected the moderate proposals of Daniele 
Manin and N. Tommaseo. A demonstration in favour of Pius IX. 
on the 3rd of January at Milan was dispersed with unnecessary 
severity, and martial law was proclaimed the following month. 
The revolution which broke out on the 8th of March in Vienna 
itself and the subsequent flight of Metternich (see Austria- 
Hungary: History), led to the granting of feeble concessions 
to Lombardy and Venetia, which were announced in Milan on 
the 1 8th. But it was too late; and in spite of the exhortations 
of the mayor, Gabrio Casati, and of the republican C. Cattaneo, 
who believed that a rising against 15,000 Austrian soldiers under 
Field-Marshal Radetzky was madness, the famous Five Days' 
revolution began. It was a popular outburst of pent-up hate, 
unprepared by leaders, although leaders such as Luciano Manara 
soon arose. Radetzky occupied the citadel and other points of 
vantage; but in the night barricades sprang up by the hundred 
and were manned by citizens of all classes, armed with every 
kind of weapon. The desperate struggle lasted until the 22nd, 
when the Austrians, having lost 5000 killed and wounded, were 
forced to evacuate the city. The rest of Lombardy and Venetia 




now flew to arms, and the Austrian garrisons, except in the 
Quadrilateral (Verona, Peschiera, Mantua and Legnano) were 
expelled. In Venice the people, under the leadership of Manin, 
rose in arms and forced the military and civil governors (Counts 
Zichy and Palffy) to sign a capitulation on the 22nd of March, 
after which the republic was proclaimed. At Milan, where there 
was a division of opinion between the monarchists under Casati 
and the republicans under Cattaneo, a provisional administration 
was formed and the question of the form of government postponed 
for the moment. The duke of Modena and Charles Louis of 
Parma (Marie Louise was now dead) abandoned their capitals; 
in both cities provisional governments were set up which sub- 
sequently proclaimed annexation to Piedmont. In Rome the 
pope gave way to popular clamour, granting one concession after 
another, and on the 8th of February he publicly called down 
God's blessing on Italy — that Italy hated by the Austrians, 
whose name it had hitherto been a crime to mention. On the 
10th of March he appointed a new ministry, under Cardinal 
Antonelli, which included several Liberal laymen, such as Marco 
Minghetti, G. Pasolini, L. C. Farini and Count G. Recchi. On 
the nth a constitution drawn up by a commission of cardinals, 
without the knowledge of the ministry, was promulgated, a 
constitution which attempted the impossible task of reconciling 
the pope's temporal power with free institutions. In the mean- 
while preparations for war against Austria were being carried on 
with Pius's sanction. 

There were now three main political tendencies, viz. the union 
of north Italy under Charles Albert and an alliance with the 
pope and Naples, a federation of the different states under their 
present rulers, and a united republic of all Italy. All parties, 
however, were agreed in favour of war against Austria, for which 
the peoples forced their unwilling rulers to prepare. But the 
only state capable of taking the initiative was Piedmont, and the 
king still hesitated. Then came the news of the Five Days of 
Milan, which produced the wildest excitement in Turin; unless 
First war tne army were sent to assist the struggling Lombards 
of Italy at once the dynasty was in jeopardy. Cavour's stirring 
against articles in the Risorgimento hastened the king's decision , 
Austria. an( j on t jj e 2 ^ rc j f March he declared war (see for the 
military events Italian Wars, 1848-70). But much precious 
time had been lost, and even then the army was not ready. 
Charles Albert could dispose of 90,000 men, including some 
30,000 from central Italy, but he took the field with only half 
his force. He might yet have cut off Radetzky on his retreat, 
or captured Mantua, which was only held by 300 men. But his 
delays lost him both chances and enabled Radetzky to receive 
reinforcements from Austria. The pope, unable to resist the 
popular demand for war, allowed his army to depart (March 23) 
under the command of General Durando, with instructions to 
act in concert with Charles Albert, and he corresponded with the 
grand-duke of Tuscany and the king of Naples with a view to a 
military alliance. But at the same time, fearing a schism in the 
church should he attack Catholic Austria, he forbade his troops 
to do more than defend the frontier, and in his Encyclical of the 
29th of April stated that, as head of the church, he could not 
declare war, but that he was unable to prevent his subjects from 
following the example of other Italians. He then requested 
Charles Albert to take the papal troops under his command, and 
also wrote to the emperor of Austria asking him voluntarily 
to relinquish Lombardy and Venetia. Tuscany and Naples had 
both joined the Italian league; a Tuscan army started for 
Lombardy on the 30th of April, and 17,000 Neapolitans com- 
manded by Pepe (who had returned after 28 years of exile) 
went to assist Durando in intercepting the Austrian reinforce- 
Tirnts under Nugent. The Piedmontese defeated the enemy 
it Pastrengo (April 30), but did not profit by the victory. 
The Neapolitans reached Bologna on the 17th of May, but in 
the meantime a dispute had broken out at Naples between the 
king and parliament as to the nature of the royal oath; a cry of 
treason was raised by a group of factious youngsters, barricades 
were erected and street fighting ensued (May 15)- On the 
17th Ferdinand dissolved parliament and recalled the army. 

On receiving the order to return, Pepe, after hesitating for some 
time between his oath to the king and his desire to fight for Italy, 
finally resigned his commission and crossed the Po with a few 
thousand men, the rest of his force returning south. The effects 
of this were soon felt. A force of Tuscan volunteers was attacked 
by a superior body of Austrians at Curtatone and Montanaro 
and defeated after a gallant resistance on the 27th of May; 
Charles Albert, after wasting precious time round Peschiera, 
which capitulated on the 30th of May, defeated Radetzky at 
Goito. But the withdrawal of the Neapolitans left Durando 
too weak to intercept Nugent and his 30,000 men; and the 
latter, although harassed by the inhabitants of Venetia and 
repulsed at Vicenza, succeeded in joining Radetzky, who was 
soon further reinforced from Tirol. The whole Austrian army 
now turned on Vicenza, which after a brave resistance sur- 
rendered on the 10th of June. All Venetia except the capital 
was thus once more occupied by the Austrians. On the 23rd, 
24th and 25th of July (first battle of Custozza) the Piedmontese 
were defeated and forced to retire on Milan with Radetzky's 
superior force in pursuit. The king was the object of a hostile 
demonstration in Milan, and although he was ready to defend 
the city to the last, the town council negotiated a capitulation 
with Radetzky. The mob, egged on by the republicans, attacked 
the palace where the king was lodged, and he escaped with 
difficulty, returning to Piedmont with the remnants of his army. 
On the 6th of August Radetzky re-entered Milan, and three 
days later an armistice was concluded between Austria and 
Piedmont, the latter agreeing to evacuate Lombardy and 
Venetia. The offer of French assistance, made after the pro- 
clamation of the republic in the spring of 1848, had been rejected 
mainly because France, fearing that the creation of a strong 
Italian state would be a danger to her, would have demanded 
the cession of Nice and Savoy, which the king refused to 

Meanwhile, the republic had been proclaimed in Venice; 
but on the 7th of July the assembly declared in favour of fusion 
with Piedmont, and Manin, who had been elected 
president, resigned his powers to the royal com- 

Manin and 

missioners. Soon after Custozza, however, the y en i cem 
Austrians blockaded the city on the land side. In 
Rome the pope's authority weakened day by day, and disorder 
increased. The Austrian attempt to occupy Bologna was re- 
pulsed by the citizens, but unfortunately this success was followed 
by anarchy and murder, and Farini only with difficulty restored 
a semblance of order. The Mamiani ministry having failed to 
achieve anything, Pius summoned Pellegrino Rossi, a learned 
lawyer who had long been exiled in France, to form a cabinet. 
On the 15th of November he was assassinated, and as no one 
was punished for this crime the insolence of the disorderly 
elements increased, and shots were exchanged with the Swiss 
Guard. The terrified pope fled in disguise to Gaeta (November 
25), and when parliament requested him to return he refused 
even to receive the deputation. This meant a complete rupture; 
on the 5th of February 1849 a constituent assembly was 
summoned, and on the 9th it voted the downfall of the temporal 
power and proclaimed the republic. Mazzini hurried prodama- 
to Rome to see his dream realized, and was chosen tlonofthe 
head of the Triumvirate. On the 18th Pius invited Roman 
the armed intervention of France, Austria, Naples Republic. 
and Spain to restore his authority. In Tuscany the government 
drifted from the moderates to the extreme democrats; the 
Ridolfi ministry was succeeded after Custozza by that of Ricasoli, 
and the latter by that of Capponi. The lower classes provoked 
disorders, which were very serious at Leghorn, and were only 
quelled by Guerrazzi's energy. Capponi resigned in October 
1848, and Leopold reluctantly consented to a democratic ministry 
led by Guerrazzi and Montanelli, the former a very ambitious 
and unscrupulous man, the latter honest but fantastic. Follow- 
ing the Roman example, a constituent assembly was demanded 
to vote on union with Rome and eventually with the rest of 
Italy. The grand-duke, fearing an excommunication from the 
I pope, refused the request, and left Florence for Siena and 




S. Stefano; on the 8th of February 1849 the republic was pro- 
claimed, and on the 21st, at the pressing request of the pope and 
the king of Naples, Leopold went to Gaeta. 

Ferdinand did not openly break his constitutional promises 
until Sicily was reconquered. His troops had captured Messina 
after a bombardment which earned him the sobriquet of " King 
Bomba "; Catania and Syracuse fell soon after, hideous atrocities 
being everywhere committed with his sanction. He now pro- 
rogued parliament, adopted stringent measures against the 
Liberals, and retired to Gaeta, the haven of refuge for deposed 

But so long as Piedmont was not completely crushed none of 
the princes dared to take decisive measures against theirsubjects; 
in spite of Custozza, Charles Albert still had an army, and Austria, 
with revolutions in Vienna, Hungary and Bohemia on her 
hands, could not intervene. In Piedmont the Pinelli-Revel 
ministry, which had continued the negotiations for an alliance 
with Leopold and the pope, resigned as it could not count 
on a parliamentary majority, and in December the returned 
exile Gioberti formed a new ministry. His proposal to reinstate 
Leopold and the pope with Piedmontese arms, so as to avoid 
Austrian intervention, was rejected by both potentates, and met 
with opposition even in Piedmont, which would thereby have 
forfeited its prestige throughout Italy. Austrian mediation 
was now imminent, as the Vienna revolution had been crushed, 
and the new emperor, Francis Joseph, refused to consider any 
settlement other than on the basis of the treaties of 1815. But 
Charles Charles Albert, who, whatever his faults, had a generous 
Albert re- nature, was determined that so long as he had an 
news the a rmy in being he could not abandon the Lombards 
war ' and the Venetians, whom he had encouraged in their 

resistance, without one more effort, though he knew full well 
that he was staking all on a desperate chance. On the 12th of 
March 1849, he denounced the armistice, and, owing to the 
want of confidence in Piedmontese strategy after 1848, gave the 
chief command to the Polish General Chrzanowski. His forces 
amounted to 80,000 men, including a Lombard corps and some 
Roman, Tuscan and other volunteers. But the discipline and 
moral of the army were shaken and its organization faulty. 
General Ramorino, disobeying his instructions, failed to prevent 
a corps of Austrians under Lieut. Field-Marshal d'Aspre 
from seizing Mortara, a fault for which he was afterwards court- 
martialled and shot, and after some preliminary fighting Radetzky 
won the decisive battle of Novara (March 23) which broke up 
the Piedmontese army. The king, who had sought death in vain 
all day, had to ask terms of Radetzky; the latter demanded 
Accession a snce °^ Piedmont and the heir to the throne (Victor 
ot victor Emmanuel) as a hostage, without a reservation for 
Emmanuel the consent of parliament. Charles Albert, realizing 
his own failure and thinking that his son might obtain 
better terms, abdicated and departed at once for Portugal, where 
he died in a monastery a few months later. Victor Emmanuel 
went in person to treat with Radetzky on the 24th of March. 
The Field-Marshal received him most courteously and offered 
not only to waive the demand for a part of Piedmontese territory, 
but to enlarge the kingdom, on condition that the constitution 
should be abolished and the blue Piedmontese flag substituted 
for the tricolor. But the young king was determined to abide 
by his father's oath, and had therefore to agree to an Austrian 
occupation of the territory between the Po, the Ticino and the 
Sesia, and of half the citadel of Alessandria, until peace should 
be concluded, the evacuation of all districts occupied by his 
troops outside Piedmont, the dissolution of his corps of Lombard, 
Polish and Hungarian volunteers and the withdrawal of his 
fleet from the Adriatic. 

Novara set Austria free to reinstate the Italian despots. 
Ferdinand at once re-established autocracy in Naples; though 
the struggle in Sicily did not end until May, when Palermo, 
after a splendid resistance, capitulated. In Tuscany disorder 
continued, and although Guerrazzi, who had been appointed 
dictator, saved the country from complete anarchy, a large part 
of the population, especially among the peasantry, was still 


loyal to the grand-duke. After Novara the chief question was 
how to avoid an Austrian occupation, and owing to the prevailing 
confusion the town council of Florence took matters into its 
own hands and declared the grand-duke reinstated, but on a 
constitutional basis and without foreign help (April 12). Leopold 
accepted as regards the constitution, but said nothing about 
foreign intervention. Count Serristori, the grand-ducal com- 
missioner, arrived in Florence on the 4th of May 1849; the 
national guard was disbanded; and on the 25th, the Austrians 
under d'Aspre entered Florence. 

On the 28th of July Leopold returned to his capital, and while 
that event was welcomed by a part of the people, the fact that 
he had come under Austrian protection ended by destroying all 
loyalty to the dynasty, and consequently contributed not a 
little to Italian unity. 

In Rome the triumvirate decided to defend the republic to 
the last. The city was quieter and more orderly than it had 
ever been before, for Mazzini and Ciceruacchio success- 
fully opposed all class warfare; and in April the 
defenders received a priceless addition to their strength in the 
person of Garibaldi, who, on the outbreak of the revolution in 
1848, had returned with a few of his followers from his exile 
in South America, and in April 1849 entered Rome with some 
500 men to fight for the republic. At this time France, as a 
counterpoise to Austrian intervention in other parts of Italy, 
decided to restore the pope, regardless of the fact that this 
action would necessitate the crushing of a sister p rance 
republic. As yet, however, no such intention was and the 
publicly avowed. On the 25th of April General Roman 
Oudinot landed with 8000 men at Civitavecchia, and Re P" bIlc - 
on the 30th attempted to capture Rome by suprise, but was 
completely defeated by Garibaldi, who might have driven the 
French into the sea, had Mazzini allowed him to leave the city. 
The French republican government, in order to gain time for 
reinforcements to arrive, sent Ferdinand de Lesseps to pretend 
to treat with Mazzini, the envoy himself not being a party to 
this deception. Mazzini refused to allow the French into the 
city, but while the negotiations were being diagged on Oudinot's 
force was increased to 35,000 men. At the same time an Austrian 
army was marching through the Legations, and Neapolitan and 
Spanish troops were advancing from the south. The Roman 
army (20,000 men) was commanded by General Rosselli, and 
included, besides Garibaldi's red-shirted legionaries, volunteers 
from all parts of Italy, mostly very young men, many of them 
wealthy and of noble family. The Neapolitans were ignomini- 
ously beaten in May and retired to the frontier; on the 1st of 
June Oudinot declared that he would attack Rome on the 4th, 
but by beginning operations on the 3rd, when no attack was 
expected, he captured an important position in the Pamphili 

In spite of this success, however, it was not until the end of 
the month, and after desperate fighting, that the French pene- 
trated within the walls and the defence ceased (June 29). The 
Assembly, which had continued in session, was dispersed by the 
French troops on the 2nd of July, but Mazzini escaped a week 
later. Garibaldi quitted the city, followed by 4000 of his men, 
and attempted to join the defenders of Venice. In spite of the 
fact that he was pursued by the armies of four Powers, he 
succeeded in reaching San Marino; but his force melted away 
and, after hiding in the marshes of Ravenna, he fled across the 
peninsula, assisted by nobles, peasants and priests, to the 
Tuscan coast, whence he reached Piedmont and eventually 
America, to await a new call to fight for Italy (see. Garibaldi). 
After a heroic defence, conducted by Giuseppe Martinengo, 
Brescia was recaptured in April by the Austrians under Lieut. 
Field-Marshal von Haynau, the atrocities Which # et j oc . 
followed earning for Haynau the name of " The Hon of 
Hyena of Brescia." In May they seized Bologna, Venkeby 
and Ancona in June, restoring order in those towns " s a " 
by the same methods as at Brescia. Venice alone still held out; 
after Novara the Piedmontese commissioners withdrew and 
Manin again took charge of the government. The assembly 




after the 

voted: " Venice resists the Austrians at all costs," and the 
citizens and soldiers, strengthened by the arrival of volunteers 
from all parts of Italy, including Pepe, who was given the chief 
command of the defenders, showed the most splendid devotion 
in their hopeless task. By the end of May the city was blockaded 
by land and sea, and in July the bombardment began. On the 
24th the city, reduced by famine, capitulated on favourable 
terms. Manin, Pepe and a few others were excluded from the 
amnesty and went into exile. 

Thus were despotism and foreign predominance re-established 
throughout Italy save in Piedmont. Yet the " terrible year " 
was by no means all loss. The Italian cause had been crushed, 
but revolution and war had strengthened the feeling of unity, 
for Neapolitans had fought for Venice, Lombards for Rome, 
Piedmontese for all Italy. Piedmont was shown to possess 
the qualities necessary to constitute the nucleus of a great nation. 
It was now evident that the federal idea was impossible, for none 
of the princes except Victor Emmanuel could be trusted, and 
that unity and freedom could not be achieved under a republic, 
for nothing could be done without the Piedmontese army, which 
was royalist to the core. All reasonable men were now convinced 
that the question of the ultimate form of the Italian govern- 
ment was secondary, and that the national efforts should be 
concentrated on the task of expelling the Austrians; the form 
of government could be decided afterwards. Liberals were by no 
means inclined to despair of accomplishing this task; for hatred 
of the foreigners, and of the despots restored by their bayonets, 
had been deepened by the humiliations and cruelties suffered 
during the war into a passion common to all Italy. 

When the terms of the Austro-Piedmontese armistice were 
announced in the Chamber at Turin they aroused great indigna- 
tion, but the king succeeded in convincing the deputies 
I^Hltl* triat *- ne y w ere inevitable. The peace negotiations 
dragged on for several months, involving two changes 
of ministry, and D'Azeglio became premier. Through 
Anglo-French mediation Piedmont's war indemnity was reduced 
from 230,000,000 to 75,000,000 lire, but the question of the 
amnesty remained. The king declared himself ready to go to 
war again if those compromised in the Lombard revolution were 
not freely pardoned, and at last Austria agreed to amnesty all 
save a very few, and in August the peace terms were agreed upon. 
The Chamber, however, refused to ratify them, and it was not 
until the king's eloquent appeal from Moncalieri to his people's 
loyalty, and after a dissolution and the election of a new parlia- 
ment, that the treaty was ratified (January 9, 1850). The 
situation in Piedmont was far from promising, the exchequer 
was empty, the army disorganized, the country despondent and 
suspicious of the king. If Piedmont was to be fitted for the part 
which optimists expected it to play, everything must be built 
up anew. Legislation had to be entirely reformed, and the bill 
for abolishing the special jurisdiction for the clergy (foro ecclesi- 
aslico) and other medieval privileges aroused the bitter opposition 
of the Vatican as well as of the Piedmontese clericals. This 
same year (1850) Cavour, who had been in parliament 
for some time and had in his speech of the 7th of March 
struck the first note of encouragement after the gloom of Novara, 
became minister of agriculture, and in 1851 also assumed the 
portfolio of finance. He ended by dominating the cabinet, but 
owing to his having negotiated a union of the Right Centre and 
the Left Centre (the Connubio) in the conviction that the country 
needed the moderate elements of both parties, he quarrelled with 
D'Azeglio (who, as an uncompromising conservative, failed to 
see the value of such a move) and resigned. But D'Azeglio was 
not equal to the situation, and he, too, resigned in November 
1852; whereupon the king appointed Cavour prime minister, 
a position which with short intervals he held until his death. 

The Austrians in the period from 1849 to 1859, known as the 
decennio della resistenza (decade of resistance), were made to feel 
that they were in a conquered country where they could have 
no social intercourse with the people; for no self-respecting 
Lombard or Venetian would even speak to an Austrian. Austria, 
on the other hand, treated her Italian subjects with great severity. 


The Italian provinces were the most heavily taxed in the 
whole empire, and much of the money thus levied was spent 
either for the benefit of other provinces or to pay for 
the huge army of occupation and the fortresses in Austrian 
Italy. The promise of a constitution for the empire, l849 
made in 1849, was never carried out; the government 
of Lombardo-Venetia was vested in Field-Marshal Radetzky; 
and although only very few of the revolutionists were 
excluded from the amnesty, the carrying of arms or the 
distribution or possession of revolutionary literature was 
punished with death. Long terms of imprisonment and the 
bastinado, the latter even inflicted on women, were the penalties 
for the least expression of anti-Austrian opinion. 

The Lombard republicans had been greatly weakened by the 
events of 1848, but Mazzini still believed that a bold act by a few 
revolutionists would make the people rise en masse and expel 
the Austrians. A conspiracy, planned with the object, among 
others, of kidnapping the emperor while on a visit to Venice and 
forcing him to make concessions, was postponed in consequence 
of the coup d'etat by which Louis Napoleon became emperor 
of the French (1852); but a chance discovery led to a large 
number of arrests, and the state trials at Mantua, conducted in 
the most shamelessly inquisitorial manner, resulted in five death 
sentences, including that of the priest Tazzoli, and many of 
imprisonment for long terms. Even this did not convince 
Mazzini of the hopelessness of such attempts, for he was out of 
touch with Italian public opinion, and he greatly weakened his 
influence by favouring a crack-brained outbreak at Milan on the 
6th of February 1853, which was easily quelled, numbers of the 
insurgents being executed or imprisoned. Radetzky, not 
satisfied with this, laid an embargo on the property of many 
Lombard emigrants who had settled in Piedmont and become 
naturalized, accusing them of complicity. The Piedmontese 
government rightly regarded this measure as a violation of the 
peace treaty of 1850, and Cavour recalled the Piedmontese 
minister from Vienna, an action which was endorsed by Italian 
public opinion generally, and won the approval of France and 

Cavour's ideal for the present was the expulsion of Austria 
from Italy and the expansion of Piedmont into a north Italian 
kingdom; and, although he did not yet think of Italian unity 
as a question of practical policy, he began to foresee it as a 
future possibility. But in reorganizing the shattered finances of 
the state and preparing it for its greater destinies, he had to 
impose heavy taxes, which led to rioting and involved the 
minister himself in considerable though temporary unpopularity. 
His ecclesiastical legislation, too, met with bitter opposition 
from the Church. 

But the question was soon forgotten in the turmoil caused by 
the Crimean War. Cavour believed that by taking part in the 
war his country would gain for itself a military status 
and a place in the councils of the great Powers, and war"" 
establish claims on Great Britain and France for the 
realization of its Italian ambitions. One section of public opinion 
desired to make Piedmont's co-operation subject to definite 
promises by the Powers; but the latter refused to bind, them- 
selves, and both Victor Emmanuel and Cavour realized that, 
even without such promises, participation would give Piedmont 
a claim. There was also the danger that Austria might join the 
allies first and Piedmont be left isolated; but there were also 
strong arguments on the other side, for while the Radical party 
saw no obvious reason why Piedmont should fight other people's 
battles, and therefore opposed the alliance, there was the risk 
that Austria might join the alliance together with Piedmont, 
which would have constituted a disastrous situation. Da 
Bormida, the minister for foreign affairs, resigned 
rather than agree to the proposal, and other statesmen 
were equally opposed to it. But after long negotiations 
the treaty of alliance was signed in January 1855, and 
while Austria remained neutral, a well-equipped Pied- 
montese force of 15,000 men, under General La Marmora, sailed 
for the Crimea. Everything turned out as Cavour had hoped. 

and the 
ol 'Paris, 





The Piedmontese troops distinguished themselves in the field, 
gaining the sympathies of the French and English; and at the 
subsequent congress of Paris (1856), where Cavour himself was 
Sardinian representative, the Italian question was discussed, 
and the intolerable oppression of the Italian peoples by Austria 
and the despots ventilated. 

Austria at last began to see that a policy of coercion was 
useless and dangerous, and made tentative efforts at conciliation. 
Taxation was somewhat reduced, the censorship was made less 
severe, political amnesties were granted, humaner officials were 
appointed and the Congregations (a sort of shadowy consultative 
assembly) were revived. In 1856 the emperor and empress 
visited their Italian dominions, but were received with icy 
coldness; the following year, on the retirement of Radetzky 
at the age of ninety-three, the archduke Maximilian, an able, 
cultivated and kind-hearted man, was appointed viceroy. He 
made desperate efforts to conciliate the population, and succeeded 
with a few of the nobles, who were led to believe in the possi- 
bility of an Italian confederation, including Lombardy and 
Venetia which would be united to Austria by a personal union 
alone; but the immense majority of all classes rejected these 
advances, and came to regard union with Piedmont with 
increasing favour. 1 

Meanwhile Francis V. of Modena, restored to his duchy by 
Austrian bayonets, continued to govern according to the traditions 
of his house. Charles II. of Parma, after having been 
reinstated by the Austrians, abdicated in favour of his 
son Charles III. a drunken libertine and a cruel tyrant 
(May 1849); the latter was assassinated in 1854, and 
a regency under his widow, Marie Louise, was insti- 
tuted during which the government became somewhat more 
tolerable, although by no means free from political persecution; 
in 1857 the Austrian troops evacuated the duchy. Leopold of 
Tuscany suspended the constitution, and in 1852 formally 
abolished it by order from Vienna; he also concluded a treaty of 
semi-subjection with Austria and a Concordat with the pope for 
granting fresh privileges to the Church. His government, how- 
ever, was not characterized by cruelty like those of his brother 
despots, and Guerrazzi and the other Liberals of 1849, although 
tried and sentenced to long terms of imprisonment, were merely 
exiled. Yet the opposition gained recruits among all the ablest 
and most respectable Tuscans. In Rome, after the restoration of 
the temporal power by the French troops, the pope paid no 
attention to Louis Napoleon's advice to maintain some form of 
constitution, to grant a general amnesty, and to secularize the 
administration. He promised, indeed, a consultative council of 
state, and granted an amnesty from which no less than 25,000 
persons were excluded; but on his return to Rome (12th April 
1850), after he was quite certain that France had given up all 
idea of imposing constitutional limitations on him, he re-estab- 
lished his government on the old lines of priestly absolutism, and, 
devoting himself to religious practices, left political affairs mostly 
to the astute cardinal Antonelli, who repressed with great 
severity the political agitation which still continued. At Naples 
Persecu- a trifling disturbance in September 1849, led to the 
tton of arrest of a large number of persons connected with the 
Liberals Unita Italiana, a society somewhat similar to the 
in Naples. c ar tj 0nar j_ The prisoners included Silvio Spaventa, 
Luigi Settembrini, Carlo Poerio and many other cultured and 
worthy citizens. Many condemnations followed, and hundreds of 
" politicals " were immured in hideous dungeons, a state of 
things which provoked Gladstone's famous letters to Lord 
Aberdeen, in which Bourbon rule was branded for all time as 
" the negation of God erected into a system of government." 
But oppressive, corrupt and inefficient as it was, the government 
was not confronted by the uncompromising hostility of the 
whole people; the ignorant priest-ridden masses were either 
indifferent or of mildly Bourbon sympathies; the opposition was 
constituted by the educated middle classes and a part of the 

l The popular cry of "Viva Verdi!" did not merely express 
enthusiasm for Italy's most eminent musician, but signified, in 
initials: " Viva Vittorio Emanuele Re d' Italia ! " 

nobility. The revolutionary attempts of Bentivegna in Sicily 
(1856) and of the Mazzinian Carlo Pisacane, who landed at 
Sapri in Calabria with a few followers in 1857, failed from lack of 
popular support, and the leaders were killed. 

The decline of Mazzini's influence was accompanied by the 
rise of a new movement in favour of Italian unity under Victor 
Emmanuel, inspired by the Milanese marquis Giorgio New 
Pallavicini, who had spent 14 years in the Spielberg, Unionist 
and by Manin, living in exile in Paris, both of them move- 
ex-republicans who had become monarchists. The ment ' 
propaganda was organized by the Sicilian La Farina by means 
of the Societa Nazionale. All who accepted the motto " Unity, 
Independence and Victor Emmanuel " were admitted into 
the society. Many of the republicans and Mazzinians joined 
it, but Mazzini himself regarded it with no sympathy. In the 
Austrian provinces and in the duchies it carried all before it, 
and gained many adherents in the Legations, Rome and Naples, 
although in the latter regions the autonomist feeling was still 
strong even among the Liberals. In Piedmont itself it was at 
first less successful; and Cavour, although he aspired ultimately 
to a united Italy with Rome as the capital, 2 openly professed no 
ambition beyond the expulsion of Austria and the formation of a 
North Italian kingdom. But he gave secret encouragement to 
the movement, and ended by practically directing its activity 
through La Farina. The king, too, was in close sympathy with the 
society's aims, but for the present it was necessary to hide this 
attitude from the eyes of the Powers, whose sympathy Cavour 
could only hope to gain by professing hostility to everything that 
savoured of revolution. Both the king and his minister realized 
that Piedmont alone, even with the help of the National Society, 
could not expel Austria from Italy without foreign assistance. 
Piedmontese finances had been strained to breaking-point to 
organize an army obviously intended for other than merely 
defensive purposes. Cavour now set himself to the task of 
isolating Austria and securing an alliance for her expulsion. 
A British alliance would have been preferable, but the British 
government was too much concerned with the preservation of 
European peace. The emperor Napoleon, almost alone 
among Frenchmen, had genuine Italian sympathies. Napoleon 
But were he to intervene in Italy, the intervention it a w. 
would not only have to be successful; it would have 
to bring tangible advantages to France. Hence his hesitations 
and vacillations, which Cavour steadily worked to overcome. 
Suddenly on the 14th of January 1858 Napoleon's life was 
attempted by Felice Orsini (q.v.) a Mazzinian Romagno], who 
believed that Napoleon was the chief obstacle to the success of 
the revolution in Italy. The attempt failed and its author was 
caught and executed, but while it appeared at first to destroy 
Napoleon's Italian sympathies and led to a sharp interchange of 
notes between Paris and Turin, the emperor was really impressed 
by the attempt and by Orsini's letter from prison exhorting him 
to intervene in Italy. He realized how deep the Italian feeling 
for independence must be, and that a refusal to act now might 
result in further attempts on his life, as indeed Orsini's letter 
stated. Consequently negotiations with Cavour were resumed, 
and a meeting with him was arranged to take place at Plom- 
bieres (20th and 21st of July 1858). There it was agreed that 
France should supply 200,000 men and Piedmont 100,000 for the 
expulsion of the Austrians from Italy, that Piedmont should be 
expanded into a kingdom of North Italy, that central Italy should 
form a separate kingdom, on the throne of which the emperor 
contemplated placing one of his own relatives, and Naples 
another, possibly under Lucien Murat; the pope, while retaining 
only the " Patrimony of St Peter " (the Roman province), would 
be president of the Italian confederation. In exchange for 
French assistance Piedmont would cede Savoy and perhaps 
Nice to France; and a marriage between Victor Emmanuel's 
daughter Clothilde and Jerome Bonaparte, to which Napoleon 
attached great importance, although not made a definite 
condition, was also discussed. No written agreement, however, 
was signed. 

2 La Farina's Epistolario, ii. 426. 




On the i st of January 1859, Napoleon astounded the diplo- 
matic world by remarking to Baron Hiibner, the Austrian 
ambassador, at the New Year's reception at the Tuileries, that 
he regretted that relations between France and Austria were 
" not so good as they had been "; and at the opening of the 
Piedmontese parliament on the 10th Victor Emmanuel pro- 
nounced the memorable words that he could not be insensible 
to the cry of pain (il grido di dolore) which reached him from all 
parts of Italy. Yet after these warlike declarations and after 
the signing of a military convention at Turin, the king agreeing 
to all the conditions proposed by Napoleon, the latter suddenly 
became pacific again, and adopted the Russian suggestion that 
Italian affairs should be settled by a congress. Austria agreed 
on condition that Piedmont should disarm and should not be 
admitted to the congress. Lord Malmesbury urged the Sardinian 
government to yield; but Cavour refused to disarm, or to accept 
the principle of a congress, unless Piedmont were admitted to 
it on equal terms with the other Powers. As neither the Sardinian 
nor the Austrian government seemed disposed to yield, the idea 
of a congress had to be abandoned. Lord Malmesbury now 
proposed that all three Powers should disarm simultaneously 
and that, as suggested by Austria, the precedent of Laibach 
should be followed and all the Italian states invited to plead 
their cause at the bar of the Great Powers. To this course 
Napoleon consented, to the despair of King Victor Emmanuel 
and Cavour, who saw in this a proof that he wished to back out 
of his engagement and make war impossible. When war seemed 
imminent volunteers from all parts of Italy, especially from 
Lombardy, had come pouring into Piedmont to enrol themselves 
in the army or in the specially raised volunteer corps (the com- 
mand of which was given to Garibaldi), and " to go to Piedmont " 
became a test of patriotism throughout the country. Urged by 
a peremptory message from Napoleon, Cavour saw the necessity 
of bowing to the will of Europe, of disbanding the volunteers 
and reducing the army to a peace footing. The situation, how- 
ever, was saved by a false move on the part of Austria. At 
Vienna the war party was in the ascendant; the convention 
for disarmament had been signed, but so far from its being 
carried out, the reserves were actually called out on the 12th of 
April; and on the 23rd, before Cavour's decision was known 
at Vienna, an Austrian ultimatum reached Turin, summoning 
Piedmont to disarm within three days on pain of invasion. 
Cavour was filled with joy at the turn affairs had taken, for 

Austria now appeared as the aggressor. On the 
Italian 2 g tn jr ranc ; s Joseph declared war, and the next day 
ISS9. hist roops crossed theTicino, a move which was followed, 

as Napoleon had stated it would be, by a French 
declaration of war. The military events of the Italian war of 
1859 are described under Italian Wars. The actions of 
Montebello (May 20), Palestro (May 31) and Melegnano (June 
8) and the battles of Magenta (June 4) and Solferino (June 24) 
all went against the Austrians. Garibaldi's volunteers raised 
the standard of insurrection and held the field in the region of 
the Italian lakes. After Solferino the allies prepared to besiege 
the Quadrilateral. Then Napoleon suddenly drew back, un- 
willing, for many reasons, to continue the campaign. Firstly, 
he doubted whether the allies were strong enough to attack the 
Quadrilateral, for he saw the defects of his own army's organiza- 
tion; secondly, he began to fear intervention by Prussia, whose 
attitude appeared menacing; thirdly, although really anxious 
to expel the Austrians from Italy, he did not wish to create a 
too powerful Italian state at the foot of the Alps, which, besides 
constituting a potential danger to France, might threaten the 
pope's temporal power, and Napoleon believed that he could not 
stand without the clerical vote; fourthly, the war had been 
declared against the wishes of the great majority of Frenchmen 
and was even now far from popular. Consequently, to the 
surprise of all Europe, while the allied forces were drawn up 
ready for battle, Napoleon, without consulting Victor Emmanuel, 
sent General Fleury on the 6th of July to Francis Joseph to ask 
for an armistice, which was agreed to. The king was now 
informed, and on the 8th Generals Vaillant, Delia Rocca and 

Hess met at Villafranca and arranged an armistice until the 
1 5th of August. But the king and Cavour were terribly upset by 
this move, which meant peace without Venetia; Cavour 
hurried to the king's headquarters at Monzambano " 4 ^f/' ce 
and in excited, almost disrespectful, language implored franca' 
him not to agree to peace and to continue the war 
alone, relying on the Piedmontese army and a general Italian 
revolution. But Victor Emmanuel on this occasion proved the 
greater statesman of the two; he understood that, hard as it 
was, he must content himself with Lombardy for the present, lest 
all be lost. On the nth the two emperors met at Villafranca, 
where they agreed that Lombardy should be ceded to Piedmont, 
and Venetia retained by Austria but governed by Liberal methods; 
that the rulers of Tuscany, Parma and Modena, who had been 
again deposed, should be restored, the Papal States reformed, 
the Legations given a separate administration and the pope 
made president of an Italian confederation including Austria 
as mistress of Venetia. It was a revival of the old impossible 
federal idea, which would have left Italy divided and dominated 
by Austria and France. Victor Emmanuel regretfully signed 
the peace preliminaries, adding, however, pour ce qui me concerne 
(which meant that he made no undertaking with regard to 
central Italy), and Cavour resigned office. 

The Lombard campaign had produced important effects 
throughout the rest of Italy. The Sardinian government had 
formally invited that of Tuscany to participate in Unl . . 
the war of liberation, and on the grand-duke rejecting move- 
the proposal, moderates and democrats combined to meats in 
present an ultimatum to Leopold demanding that he Ceatr >d 
should abdicate in favour of his son, grant a constitu- y ' 

tion and take part in the campaign. Qn his refusal Florence rose 
as one man, and he, feeling that he could not rely on his troops, 
abandoned Tuscany on the 27th of April 1839. A provisional 
government was formed, led by Ubaldino Peruzzi, and was 
strengthened on the 8th of May by the inclusion of Baron 
Bettino Ricasoli, a man of great force of character, who became 
the real head of the administration, and all through the ensuing 
critical period aimed unswervingly at Italian unity. Victor 
Emmanuel, at the request of the people, assumed the protector- 
ate over Tuscany, where he was represented by the Sardinian 
minister Boncompagni. On the 23rd of May Prince Napoleon, 
with a French army corps, landed at Leghorn, his avowed object 
being to threaten the Austrian flank; 1 and in June these troops, 
together with a Tuscan contingent, departed for Lombardy. 
In the duchy of Modena an insurrection had broken out, and 
after Magenta Duke Francis joined the Austrian army in 
Lombardy, leaving a regency in charge. But on the 14th of 
June the municipality formed a provisional government and 
proclaimed annexation to Piedmont; L. C. Farini was chosen 
dictator, and 4000 Modenese joined the allies. The duchess- 
regent of Parma also withdrew to Austrian territory, and on 
the nth of June annexation to Piedmont was proclaimed. 
At the same time the Austrians evacuated the Legations and 
Cardinal Milesi, the papal representative, departed. The muni- 
cipality of Bologna formed a Giunta, to which Romagna and 
the Marches adhered, and invoked the dictatorship of Victor 
Emmanuel; at Perugia, too, a provisional government was 
constituted under F. Guardabassi. But the Marches were 
soon reoccupied by pontifical troops, and Perugia fell, its capture 
being followed by an indiscriminate massacre of men, women 
and children. In July the marquis D'Azeglio arrived at Bologna 
as royal commissioner. 

After the meetings at Villafranca Napoleon returned to France. 
The question of the cession of Nice and Savoy had not been 
raised; for the emperor had not fulfilled his part of the bargain, 
that he would drive the Austrians out of Italy, since Venice was 
yet to be freed. At the same time he was resolutely opposed 
to the Piedmontese annexations in central Italy. But here 
Cavour intervened, for he was determined to maintain the 
annexations, at all costs. Although he had resigned, he remained 

1 In reality the emperor was contemplating an Etrurian kingdom 
with the prince at its head. 




in office until Rattazzi could form a new ministry; and while 
officially recalling the royal commissioners according to the 
preliminaiies of Villafranca, he privately encouraged them to 
remain and organize resistance to the return of the despots, if 
necessary by force (see Cavour). Farini, who in August was 
elected dictator of Parma as well as Modena, and Ricasoli, who 
since, on the withdrawal of the Sardinian commissioner Bon- 
compagni, had become supreme in Tuscany, were now the men 
who by their energy and determination achieved the annexation 
of central Italy to Piedmont, in spite of the strenuous opposition 
of the French emperor and the weakness of many Italian Liberals. 
In August Marco Minghetti succeeded in forming a military 
league and a customs union between Tuscany, Romagna and 
the duchies, and in procuring the adoption of the Piedmontese 
codes; and envoys were sent to Paris to mollify Napoleon. 
Constituent assemblies met and voted for unity under Victor 
Emmanuel, but the king could not openly accept the proposal 
owing to the emperor's opposition, backed by the presence of 
French armies in Lombardy; at a word from Napoleon there 
might have been an Austrian, and perhaps a Franco-Austrian, 
invasion of central Italy. But to Napoleon's statement that 
he could not agree to the unification of Italy, as he was bound 
by his promises to Austria at Villafranca, Victor Emmanuel 
replied that he himself, after Magenta and Solferino, was bound 
in honour to link his fate with that of the Italian people; and 
General Manfredo Fanti was sent by the Turin government to 
organize the army of the Central League, with Garibaldi under 

The terms of the treaty of peace signed at Zurich on the ioth 
of November were practically identical with those of the pre- 
liminaries of Villafranca. It was soon evident, however, 
Zurich. tnat: t ^ e Italian question was far from being settled. 
Central Italy refused to be bound by the treaty, and 
offered the dictatorship to Prince Carignano, who, himself unable 
to accept owing to Napoleon's opposition, suggested Boncompagni, 
who was accordingly elected. Napoleon now realized that it 
would be impossible, without running serious risks, to oppose 
the movement in favour of unity. He suggested an international 
congress on the question; inspired a pamphlet, Le Pape et le 
Congres, which proposed a reduction of the papal territory, and 
wrote to the pope advising him to cede Romagna in order to 
obtain better guarantees for the rest of his dominions. The 
proposed congress fell through, and Napoleon thereupon raised 
the question of the cession of Nice and Savoy as the price of 
his consent to the union of the central provinces with the Italian 
kingdom. In January 1866 the Rattazzi ministry fell, after 
completing the fusion of Lombardy with Piedmont, and Cavour 
was again summoned by the king to the head of affairs. 

Cavour well knew the unpopularity that would fall upon him 
by consenting to the cession of Nice, the birthplace of Garibaldi, 
and Savoy, the cradle of the royal house; but he realized the 
necessity of the sacrifice, if central Italy was to be won. The 
negotiations were long drawn out; for Cavour struggled to save 
Nice and Napoleon was anxious to make conditions, especially 
as regards Tuscany. At last, on the 24th of March, the treaty 
was signed whereby the cession was agreed upon, but subject 
to the vote of the populations concerned and ratification by the 
Italian parliament. The king having formally accepted the 
voluntary annexation of the duchies, Tuscany and Romagna, 
appointed the prince of Carignano viceroy with Ricasoli as 
governor-general (22nd of March), and was immediately after- 
wards excommunicated by the pope. On the 2nd of April i860 
the new Italian parliament, including members from central 
Italy, assembled at Turin. Three weeks later the treaty of 
Turin ceding Savoy and Nice to France was ratified, though 
not without much opposition, and Cavour was fiercely reviled 
for his share in the transaction, especially by Garibaldi, who 
even contemplated an expedition to Nice, but was induced to 
desist by the king. 

In May 1859 Ferdinand of Naples was succeeded by his son 
Francis II., who gave no signs of any intention to change his 
father's policy, and, in spite of Napoleon's advice, refused to 

grant a constitution or to enter into an alliance with Sardinia. 
The result was a revolutionary agitation which in Sicily, stirred 
up by Mazzini's agents, Rosalino Pilo and Francesco 
Crispi, culminated, on the 5th of April i860, in open Na P ,es 
revolt. An invitation had been sent Garibaldi to put p ranc j S //, 
himself at the head of the movement; at first he 
had refused, but reports of the progress of the insurrection 
soon determined him to risk all on a bold stroke, and on the 
5th of May he embarked at Quarto, near Genoa, with Bixio, 
the Hungarian Tiirr and some 1000 picked followers, on two 
steamers. The preparations for the expedition, openly made, 
were viewed by Cavour with mixed feelings. With its object 
he sympathized; yet he could not give official sanction to 
an armed attack on a friendly power, nor on the other hand 
could he forbid an action enthusiastically approved by public 
opinion. He accordingly directed the Sardinian admiral Persano 
only to arrest the expedition should it touch at a Sardinian port; 
while in reply to the indignant protests of the continental 
powers he disclaimed all knowledge of the affair. On the nth 
Garibaldi landed at Marsala, without opposition, defeated the 
Neapolitan forces at Calatafimi on the 15th, and on the 27th 
entered Palermo in triumph, where he proclaimed himself, in 
King Victor Emmanuel's name, dictator of Sicily. By the end 
of July, after the hard-won victory of Milazzo, the whole island, 
with the exception of the citadel of Messina and a few unim- 
portant ports, was in his hands. 

From Cavour's point of view, the situation was now one of 
extreme anxiety. It was certain that, his work in Sicily done, 
Garibaldi would turn his attention to the Neapolitan dominions 
on the mainland; and beyond these lay Umbria and the Marches 
and — Rome. It was all-important that whatever victories 
Garibaldi might win should be won for the Italian kingdom, 
and, above all, that no ill-timed attack on the Papal States 
should provoke an intervention of the powers. La Farina was 
accordingly sent to Palermo to urge the immediate annexation of 
Sicily to Piedmont. But Garibaldi, who wished to keep a free 
hand, distrusted Cavour and scorned all counsels of expediency, 
refused to agree; Sicily was the necessary base for his projected 
invasion of Naples; it would be time enough to announce its 
union with Piedmont when Victor Emmanuel had been pro- 
claimed king of United Italy in Rome. Foiled by the dictator's 
stubbornness, Cavour had once more to take to underhand 
methods; and, while continuing futile negotiations with King 
Francis, sent his agents into Naples to stir up disaffection and 
create a sentiment in favour of national unity strong enough, in 
any event, to force Garibaldi's hand. 

On the 8th of August, in spite of the protests and threats of 
most of the powers, the Garibaldians began to cross the Straits, 
and in a short time 20,000 of them were on the main- 
land. The Bourbonists in Calabria, utterly dis- i^Nf B i es 
organized, broke before the invincible red-shirts, and 
the 40,000 men defending the Salerno-Avellino line made 
no better resistance, being eventually ordered to fall back 
on the Volturno. On the 6th of September King Francis, with 
his family and several of the ministers, sailed for Gaeta, and the 
next day Garibaldi entered Naples alone in advance of the army, 
and was enthusiastically welcomed. He proclaimed himself 
dictator of the kingdom, with Bertani as secretary of state, but 
as a proof of his loyalty he consigned the Neapolitan fleet to 

His rapid success, meanwhile, inspired both the French 
emperor and the government of Turin with misgivings. There 
was a danger that Garibaldi's entourage, composed of 
ex-Mazzinians, might induce him to proclaim a republic >" ierveam 
and march on Rome; which would have meant pj e ^ m0B t, 
French intervention and the undoing of all Cavour's 
work. King Victor Emmanuel and Cavour both wrote to 
Garibaldi urging him not to spoil all by aiming at too much. 
But Garibaldi poured scorn on all suggestions of compromise; 
and Cavour saw that the situation could only be saved by 
the armed participation of Piedmont in the liberation of 
south Italy. 




tion of the 
of Italy. 

The situation was, indeed, sufficiently critical. The unrest 
in Naples had spread into Umbria and the Marches, and the 
papal troops, under General Lamoriciere, were preparing to 
suppress it. Had they succeeded, the position of the Pied- 
montese in Romagna would have been imperilled; had they 
failed, the road would have been open for Garibaldi to march 
on Rome. In the circumstances, Cavour decided that Piedmont 
must anticipate Garibaldi, occupy Umbria and the Marches 
and place Italy between the red-shirts and Rome. His excuse 
was the pope's refusal to dismiss his foreign levies (September 7). 
On the nth of September a Piedmontese army of 35,000 men 
crossed the frontier at La Cattolica; on the 18th the pontifical 
army was crushed at Castelfidardo; and when, on the 29th, 
Ancona fell, Umbria and the Marches were in the power of 
Piedmont. On the 15th of October King Victor Emmanuel 
crossed the Neapolitan border at the head of his troops. 

It had been a race between Garibaldi and the Piedmontese. 
" If we do not arrive at the Volturno before Garibaldi reaches 
La Cattolica," Cavour had said, " the monarchy is lost, and Italy 
will remain in the prison-house of the Revolution." x Fortun- 
ately for his policy, the red-shirts had encountered a formidable 
obstacle to their advance in the Neapolitan army entrenched 
on the Volturno under the guns of Capua. On the 19th of 
September the Garibaldians began their attack on this position 
with their usual impetuous valour; but they were repulsed 
again and again, and it was not till the 2nd of October, after 
a two days' pitched battle, that they succeeded in carrying the 
position. The way was now open for the advance of the Pied- 
montese, who, save at Isernia, encountered practically no 
resistance. On the 29th Victor Emmanuel and Garibaldi met, 
and on the 7th of November they entered Naples together. 
Garibaldi now resigned his authority into the king's hands and, 
refusing the title and other honours offered to him, retired to his 
island home of Caprera. 2 

Gaeta remained still to be taken. The Piedmontese under 
Cialdini had begun the siege on the 5th of November, but it was 
not until the 10th of January 1861, when at the 
instance of Great Britain Napoleon withdrew his 
squadron, that the blockade could be made complete. 
On the 13th of February the fortress surrendered, 
Francis and his family having departed by sea for 
papal territory. The citadel of Messina capitulated on the 22nd, 
and Civitella del Tronto, the last stronghold of Bourbonism, 
on the 21st of March. On the 18th of February the first Italian 
parliament met at Turin, and Victor Emmanuel was proclaimed 
king of Italy. The new kingdom was recognized by Great 
Britain within a fortnight, by France three months later, and 
subsequently by other powers. It included the whole peninsula 
except Venetia and Rome, and these the government and the 
nation were determined to annex sooner or later. 

There were, however, other serious problems calling for im- 
mediate attention. The country had to be built up and converted 
from an agglomeration of scattered medieval princi- 
palities into a unified modern nation. The first question 
which arose was that of brigandage in the south. Brigand- 
age had always existed in the Neapolitan kingdom, largely 
owing to the poverty of the people; but the evil was now 
aggravated by the mistake of the new government in 
"*" dismissing the Bourbon troops, and then calling them out 

again as recruits. A great many turned brigands rather than serve 
again, and together with the remaining adherents of Bourbon rule and 
malefactors of all kinds, were made use of by the ex-king and his 
entourage to harass the Italian administration. Bands of desperadoes 
were formed, commanded by the most infamous criminals and by 
foreigners who came to fight in what they were led to believe was 
an Italian Vendee, but which was in reality a campaign of butchery 
and plunder. Villages were sacked and burnt, men, women and 
children mutilated, tortured or roasted alive, and women outraged. 
The authors of these deeds when pursued by troops fled into papal 
territory, where they were welcomed by the authorities and allowed 
to refit and raise fresh recruits under the aegis of the Church. The 
prime organizers of the movement were King Francis's uncle, the 
count of Trapani, and Mons. de Merode, a Belgian ecclesiastic who 

1 N. Bianchi, Cavour, p. 118. 

2 He asked for the Neapolitan viceroyalty for life, which the king 
very wisely refused. 


of the new 

enjoyed immense influence at the Vatican. The task of suppressing 
brigandage was entrusted to Generals La Marmora and Cialdini; 
but in spite of extreme severity, justifiable in the circumstances, it 
took four or five years completely to suppress the movement. Its 
vitality, indeed, was largely due to the mistakes made by the 
new administration, conducted as this was by officials ignorant of 
southern conditions and out of sympathy with a people far more 
primitive than in any other part of the peninsula. Politically, its 
sole outcome was to prove the impossibility of allowing the continu- 
ance of an independent Roman state in the heart of Italy. 

Another of the government's difficulties was the question of what 
to do with Garibaldi's volunteers. Fanti, the minister of war, had 
three armies to incorporate in that of Piedmont, viz. that _ . 

of central Italy, that of the Bourbons and that of Garibaldi. 
The first caused no difficulty; the rank and file of the 
second were mostly disbanded, but a number of the officers 
were taken into the Italian army ; the third offered a more 
serious problem. Garibaldi demanded that all his officers should be 
given equivalent rank in the Italian army, and in this he had the 
support of Fanti. Cavour, on the other hand, while anxious to deal 
generously with the Garibaldians, recognized the impossibility of such 
a course, which would not only have offended the conservative spirit 
of the Piedmontese military caste, which disliked and despised 
irregular troops, but would almost certainly have introduced into the 
army an element of indiscipline and disorder. 

On the 1 8 th of April the question of the volunteers was 
discussed in one of the most dramatic sittings of the 
Italian parliament. Garibaldi, elected member for Naples, 
denounced Cavour in unmeasured terms for his treatment of the 
volunteers and for the cession of Nice, accusing him of leading 
the country to civil war. These charges produced a tremendous 
uproar, but Bixio by a splendid appeal for concord succeeded 
in calming the two adversaries. On the 23rd of April they were 
formally reconciled in the presence of the king, but the scene of 
the 1 8th of April hastened Cavour's end. In May the Roman 
question was discussed in parliament. Cavour had often declared 
that in the end the capital of Italy must be Rome, for it alone of 
all Italian cities had an unquestioned claim to moral supremacy, 
and his views of a free church in a free state were well known. 
He had negotiated secretly with the pope through unofficial 
agents, and sketched out a scheme of settlement of the Roman 
question, which foreshadowed in its main features the law of 
papal guarantees. But it was not given him to see this problem 
solved, for his health was broken by the strain of the 
last few years, during which practically the whole 
administration of the country was concentrated in his 
hands. He died after a short illness on the 6th of June 1861, 
at a moment when Italy had the greatest need of his statesman- 

Ricasoli now became prime minister, Cavour having advised 
the king to that effect. The financial situation was far from 
brilliant, for the expenses of the administration of 
Italy were far larger than the total of those of all the 
separate states, and everything had to be created or 
rebuilt. The budget of 1861 showed a deficit of 
344,000,000 lire, while the service of the debt was 
110,000,000; deficits were met by new loans issued on unfavour- 
able terms (that of July 1861 for 500,000,000 lire cost the govern- 
ment 714,833,000), and government stock fell as low as 36. It 
was now that the period of reckless finance began which, save for 
a lucid interval under Sella, was to last until nearly the end'of the 
century. Considering the state of the country and the coming 
war for Venice, heavy expenditure was inevitable, but good 
management might have rendered the situation less dangerous. 
Ricasoli, honest and capable as he was, failed to win popularity; 
his attitude on the Roman question, which became more un- 
compromising after the failure of his attempt at conciliation, 
and his desire to emancipate Italy from French predominance, 
brought down on him the hostility of Napoleon. He fell in 
March 1862, and was succeeded by Rattazzi, who being more 
pliable and intriguing managed at first to please every- 
body, including Garibaldi. At this time the extremists 
and even the moderates were full of schemes for liberat- 
ing Venice and Rome. Garibaldi had a plan, with which the 
premier was connected, for attacking Austria by raising a revolt 
in the Balkans and Hungary, and later he contemplated a raid 

Death of 






into the Trentino; but the government, seeing the danger of such 
an attempt, arrested several Garibaldians at Sarnico (near 
Brescia), and in the Smeute which followed several persons were 
shot. Garibaldi now became an opponent of the ministry, and 
in June went to Sicily, where, after taking counsel 
and Rome, with his former followers, he decided on an immediate 
Affair of raid on Rome. He summoned his legionaries, and in 
Aspro- August crossed over to Calabria with iooo men. His 
J^_ e ' intentions in the main were still loyal, for he desired 
to capture Rome for the kingdom; and he did his 
best to avoid the regulars tardily sent against him. On the 
29th of August 1862, however, he encountered a force under 
Pallavicini at Aspromonte, and, although Garibaldi ordered his 
men not to fire, some of the raw Sicilian volunteers discharged a 
few volleys which were returned by the regulars. Garibaldi 
himself was seriously wounded and taken prisoner. He was shut 
up in the fortress of Varignano, and after endless discussions as to 
whether he should be tried or not, the question was settled by an 
amnesty. The affair made the ministry so unpopular 
Ministry. tnat ^ was f° rc ed to resign. Farini, who succeeded, 
retired almost at once on account of ill-health, and 
Minghetti became premier, with Visconti-Venosta as minister 
for foreign affairs. The financial situation continued to be 
seriously embarrassing; deficit was piled on deficit, loan upon 
loan, and the service of the debt rose from 90,000,000 lire in 
i860 to 220,000,000 in 1864. 

Negotiations were resumed with Napoleon for the evacuation 
of Rome by the French troops; but the emperor, though he saw 
Prance t ^ lat t ^ le temporal power could not for ever be supported 
Italy and by French bayonets, desired some guarantee that the 
the Roman evacuation should not be followed, at all events 
question, immediately, by an Italian occupation, lest Catholic 
opinion should lay the blame for this upon France. Ultimately 
the two governments concluded a convention on the 15th of 
September 1864, whereby France agreed to withdraw her troops 
from Rome so soon as the papal army should be reorganized, 
or at the outside within two years, Italy undertaking not to 
attack it nor permit others to do so, and to transfer the capital 
from Turin to some other city within six months. 1 The change of 
capital would have the appearance of a definite abandonment of 
the Roma capitate programme, although in reality it was to be 
merely a tappa (stage) on the way. The convention was kept secret, 
Capital but l ^ e ^ ast c l ause leaked out and caused the bitterest 
trans- feeling among the people of Turin, who would have 
femdto been resigned to losing the capital provided it were 
Florence, transferred to Rome, but resented the fact that it was 
to be established in any other city, and that the con- 
vention was made without consulting parliament. Demonstra- 
tions were held which were repressed with unnecessary violence, 
and although the change of capital was not unpopular in the rest of 
Italy, where the Piemontesismo of the new regime was beginning 
to arouse jealousy, the secrecy with which the affair was arranged 
and the shooting down of the people in Turin raised such a storm 
of disapproval that the king for the first time used his privilege 
of dismissing the ministry. Under La Marmora's ad- 
Marmora ministration the September convention was ratified, 
Ministry, and the capital was transferred to' Florence the follow- 
ing year. This affair resulted in an important 
political change, for the Piedmontese deputies, hitherto the 
bulwarks of moderate conservatism, now shifted to the Left or 
constitutional opposition. 

Meanwhile, the Venetian question was becoming more and 
more acute. Every Italian felt the presence of the Austrians in 
the lagoons as a national humiliation, and between 
question. I ^S° an< ^ *^66 countless plots were hatched for their 
expulsion. But, in spite of the sympathy of the king, 
the attempt to raise armed bands in Venetia had no success, and 
it became clear that the foreigner could only be driven from the 
peninsula by regular war. To wage this alone Italy was still too 
weak, and it was necessary to look round for an ally. Napoleon 

1 The counterblast of Pius IX. to this convention was the encyclical 
Quanta Curaoi Dec. 8, 1864, followed the famous Syllabus. 

was sympathetic; he desired to see the Austrians expelled, and 
the Syllabus of Pius IX., which had stirred up the more aggressive 
elements among the French clergy against his government, had 
brought him once more into harmony with the views of Victor 
Emmanuel; but he dared not brave French public opinion by 
another war with Austria, nor did Italy desire an alliance 
which would only have been bought"' at the price of further 
cessions. There remained Prussia, which, now that the Danish 
campaign of 1864 was over, was completing her prepara- 
tions for the final struggle with Austria for the hegemony 
of Germany; and Napoleon, who saw in the furthering of 
Bismarck's plans the surest means of securing his own influence 
in a divided Europe, willingly lent his aid in negotiating a Prusso- 
Italian alliance. In the summer of 1865 Bismarck made formal 
proposals to La Marmora; but the pourparlers were interrupted by 
the conclusion of the convention of Gastein (August 14), to which 
Austria agreed partly under pressure of the Prusso-Italian entente. 
To Italy the convention seemed like a betrayal; to Pmsso- 
Napoleon it was a set-back which he tried to retrieve by Italian 
suggesting to Austria the peaceful cession of Venetia to Alliance 
the Italian kingdom, in order to prevent any danger of ° 
its alliance with Prussia. This proposal broke on the refusal of the 
emperor Francis Joseph to cede Austrian territory except as the 
result of a struggle; and Napoleon, won over by Bismarck at 
the famous interview at Biarritz, once more took up the idea of 
a Prusso-Italian offensive and defensive alliance. This was 
actually concluded on the 8th of April 1866. Its terms, dictated 
by a natural suspicion on the part of the Italian government, 
stipulated that it should only become effective in the event of 
Prussia declaring war on Austria within three months. Peace 
was not to be concluded until Italy should have received Venetia, 
and Prussia an equivalent territory in Germany. 

The outbreak of war was postponed by further diplomatic 
complications. On the 12th of June Napoleon, whose policy 
throughout had been obscure and contradictory, signed a secret 
treaty with Austria, under which Venice was to be handed over 
to him, to be given to Italy in the event of her making a separate 
peace. La Marmora, however, who believed himself bound in 
honour to Prussia, refused to enter into a separate arrangement. 
On the 16th the Prussians began hostilities, and on the 20th 
Italy declared war. 

Victor Emmanuel took the supreme command of the Italian 
army, and La Marmora resigned the premiership (which was 
assumed by Ricasoli), to become chief of the staff. 
La Marmora had three army corps (130,000 men) Ministry. 
under his immediate command, to operate on the 
Mincio, while Cialdini with 80,000 men was to operate on the 
Po. The Austrian southern army consisting of 95,000 men was 
commanded by the archduke Albert, with General von John 
as chief of the staff. On the 23rd of June La Marmora crossed 
the Mincio, and on the 24th a battle was fought at Custozza, 
under circumstances highly disadvantageous to the Italians, 
which after a stubborn contest ended in a crushing Austrian 
victory. Bad generalship, bad organization and the jealousy 
between La Marmora and Delia Rocca were responsible for this 
defeat. Custozza might have been afterwards retrieved, for 
the Italians had plenty of fresh troops besides Cialdini's army; 
but nothing was done, as both the king and La Marmora believed 
the situation to be much worse than it actually was. On the 
3rd of July the Prussians completely defeated the 
Austrians at Koniggratz, and on the 5th Austria 
ceded Venetia to Napoleon, accepting his mediation 
in favour of peace. The Italian iron-clad fleet com- 
manded by the incapable Persano, after wasting much time at 
Taranto and Ancona, made an unsuccessful attack on the 
Dalmatian island of Lissa on the 18th of July, and on the 20th 
was completely defeated by the Austrian squadron, consisting 
of wooden ships, but commanded by the capable Admiral 

On the 22nd Prussia, without consulting Italy, made an armis- 
tice with Austria, while Italy obtained an eight days' truce on 
condition of evacuating the Trentino, which had almost entirely 

Battle of 







fallen into the hands of Garibaldi and his volunteers. Ricasoli 
wished to go on with the war, rather than accept Venetia as a 
gift from France; but the king and La Marmora saw that 
peace must be made, as the whole Austrian army of 350,000 
men was now free to fall on Italy. An armistice was accord- 
ingly signed at Cormohs on the 12th of August; Austria 
handed Venetia over to General Leboeuf, representing 
Venice Napoleon; and on the 3rd of October peace between 
"o Italy. Austria and Italy was concluded at Vienna. On the 
10th Leboeuf handed Venetia over to the Venetian 
representatives, and at the plebiscite held on the 21st and 22nd, 
647,246 votes were returned in favour of union with Italy, only 
69 against it. When this result was announced to the king by 
a deputation from Venice he said: " This is the finest day of 
my life; Italy is made, but it is not complete." Rome was 
still wanting. 

Custozza and Lissa were not Italy's only misfortunes in 1866. 
There had been considerable discontent in "Sicily, where the 
government had made itself unpopular. The priest- 
teyot '" hood and the remnants of the Bourbon party fomented 
an agitation, which in September culminated in an 
attack on Palermo by 3000 armed insurgents, and in 
similar outbreaks elsewhere. The revolt was put down owing 
to the energy of the mayor of Palermo, Marquis A. Di Rudini, 
and the arrival of reinforcements. The Ricasoli cabinet fell 
over the law against the religious houses, and was succeeded 
by that of Rattazzi, who with the support of the Left 
Ministry. was apparently more fortunate. The French regular 
troops were withdrawn from Rome in December 1866; 
but the pontifical forces were largely recruited in France and 
commanded by officers of the imperial army, and service under 
the pope was considered by the French war office as equivalent 
to service in France. This was a violation of the letter as welt 
as of the spirit of the September convention, and a stronger 
and more straightforward statesman than Rattazzi would have 
declared Italy absolved from its provisions. Mazzini now wanted 
to promote an insurrection in Roman territory, whereas Garibaldi 
advocated an invasion from without. He delivered a series 
of violent speeches against the papacy, and made open prepara- 
tions for a raid, which were not interfered with by the govern- 
ment; but on the 23rd of September 1867 Rattazzi had him 
suddenly arrested and confined to Caprera. In spite of the 
vigilance of the warships he escaped on the 14th of 
aaribaldl October and landed in Tuscany. Armed bands had 
plrne* already entered papal territory, but achieved nothing 
in particular. Their presence, however, was a sufficient 
excuse for Napoleon, under pressure of the clerical party, to 
send another expedition to Rome (26th of October). Rattazzi, 
after ordering a body of troops to enter papal territory with no 
definite object, now resigned, and was succeeded by 
Afto/s^JT Menabrea. Garibaldi joined the bands on the 23rd, 
but his ill-armed and ill-disciplined force was very 
inferior to his volunteers of '49, '60 and '66. On the 24th he 
captured Monte Rotondo, but did not enter Rome as the expected 
insurrection had not broken out. On the 29th a French force, 
under de Failly, arrived, and on the 3rd of November a battle 
took place at Mentana between 4000 or 5000 red- 
^Heatana. shirts and a somewhat ' superior force of French and 
pontificals. The Garibaldians, mowed down by the 
new French chassepdt rifles, fought until their last cartridges 
were exhausted, and retreated the next day towards the Italian 
frontier, leaving 800 prisoners. 

The affair of Mentana caused considerable excitement through- 
out Europe, and the Roman question entered on an acute stage. 
Napoleon suggested his favourite expedient of a congress, 
but the proposal broke down owing to Great Britain's refusal 
to participate; and Rouher, the French premier, declared in 
the Chamber (5th of December 1867) that France could never 
permit the Italians to occupy Rome. The attitude of France 
strengthened that anti-French feeling in Italy which had begun 
with Villafranca; and Bismarck was not slow to make use 
of this hostility, with a view to creventing Italy from taking 

sides with France against Germany in the struggle between the 
two powers which he saw to be inevitable. At the same time 
Napoleon was making overtures both to Austria and to Italy, 
overtures which were favourably received. Victor Emmanuel 
was sincerely anxious to assist Napoleon, for in spite of Nice 
and Savoy and Mentana he felt a chivalrous desire to help the 
man who had fought for Italy. But with the French at Civita- 
vecchia (they had left Rome very soon after Mentana) a war for 
France was not to be thought of, and Napoleon would not promise 
more than the literal observance of the September convention. 
Austria would not join France unless Italy did the same, and 
she realized that that was impossible unless Napoleon gave way 
about Rome. Consequently the negotiations were suspended. 
A scandal concerning the tobacco monopoly led to 
the fall of Menabrea, who was succeeded in December Ministry. 
1869 by Giovanni Lanza, with Visconti-Venosta at 
the foreign office and Q. Sella as finance minister. The latter 
introduced a sounder financial policy, which was maintained 
until the fall of the Right in 1876. Mazzini, now openly hostile 
to the monarchy, was seized with a perfect monomania for in- 
surrections, and promoted various small risings, the only effect 
of which was to show how completely his influence was gone. 

In December 1869 the XXI. oecumenical council began its 
sittings in Rome, and on the 18th of July 1870 proclaimed the 
infallibility of the pope (see Vatican Council). Two days 
previously Napoleon had declared war on Prussia, and immedi- 
ately afterwards he withdrew his troops from Civitavecchia; 
but he persuaded Lanza to promise to abide by the September 
convention, and it was not until after Worth and Gravelotte 
that he offered to give Italy a free hand to occupy Rome. Then 
it was too late; Victor Emmanuel asked Thiers if he could 
give his word of honour that with 100,000 Italian troops France 
could be saved, but Thiers remained silent. Austria replied 
like Italy: " It is too late." On the 9th of August Italy made 
a declaration of neutrality, and three weeks later Visconti- 
Venosta informed the powers that Italy was about to occupy 
Rome. On the 3rd of September the news of Sedan reached 
Florence, and with the fall of Napoleon's empire the September 
convention ceased to have any value. The powers having 
engaged to abstain from intervention in Italian affairs, Victor 
Emmanuel addressed a letter to Pius IX. asking him in the name 
of religion and peace to accept Italian protection instead of the 
temporal power, to which the pope replied that he Italian 
would only yield to force. On the nth of September occupa- 
General Cadorna at the head of 60,000 men entered Von of 
papal territory. The garrison of Civitavecchia sur- " ome - 
rendered to Bixio, but the 10,000 men in Rome, mostly French, 
Belgians, Swiss and Bavarians, under Kanzler, were ready to 
fight. Cardinal Antonelli would have come to terms, but the 
pope decided on making a sufficient show of resistance to prove 
that he was yielding to force. On the 20th the Italians began 
the attack, and General Maze de la Roche's division having 
effected a breach in the Porta Pia, the pope ordered the garrison 
to cease fire and the Italians poured into the Eternal City followed 
by thousands of Roman exiles. By noon the whole city on the 
left of the Tiber was occupied and the garrison laid down their 
arms; the next day, at the pope's request, the Leonine City 
on the right bank was also occupied. It had been intended to 
leave that part of Rome to the pope, but by the earnest desire 
of the inhabitants it too was included in the Italian kingdom. 
At the plebiscite there were 133,681 votes for union and 1507 
against it. In July 1872 King Victor Emmanuel made his 
solemn entry into Rome, which was then declared the capital 
of Italy. Thus, after a struggle of more than half a century, in 
spite of apparently insuperable obstacles, the liberation and 
the unity of Italy were accomplished. 

Bibliography. — A vast amount of material on the Risorgimento 
has been published both in Italy and abroad as well as numerous 
works of a literary and critical nature. The most detailed Italian 
history of the period is Carlo Tivaroni's Storia critica del Risorgi- 
mento Italiano in 9 vols. (Turin, 1888-1897), based on a diligent study 
of the original authorities and containing a large amount of informa- 
tion; the author is a Mazzinian, which fact should be taken into 




account, but he generally quotes the opinions of those who disagree 
with him as well. Another voluminous but less valuable work is 
F. Bertolini's Storia d' Italia dal 1814 al 1878, in 2 parts (Milan, 1880- 
188 1 ). L. Chiala's Lettere del Conte di Cavour (7 vols., Turin, 1883- 
1887) and D. Zanichelli's Scritti del Conte di Cavour (Bologna, 1892) 
are very important, and so are Prince Metternich's Memoires (7 vols., 
Paris, 1881). P. Orsi's L' Italia moderna (Milan, 1901) should also be 
mentioned. N. Bianchi's Storia della diplomazia europea in Italia 
(8 vols., Turin, 1865) is an invaluable and thoroughly reliable work. 
See also Zini's Storia d' Italia (4 vols., Milan, 1875); Gualterio's 
Gli ullitni rivolgimenti italiani (4 vols., Florence, 1850) is important 
for the period from 1831 to 1847, and so also is L. Farina's Storia 
d'llalia dal 1815 al 184Q (5 vols., Turin, 1851) ; \V. R. Thayer's Dawn 
of Italian Independence (Boston, 1893) is gushing and not always 
accurate; C. Cantu's Dell' indipendenza italiana cronistoria (Naples, 
1 872-1 877) is reactionary and often unreliable; V. Bersezio, // 
Regno di Vittorio Emanuele II (8 vols., Turin, 1889, &c). For 
English readers Countess E. Martinengo Cesaresco's Liberation of 
Italy (London, 1895) is to be strongly recommended, and is indeed, 
for accuracy, fairness and synthesis, as well as for charm of style, 
one of the very best books on the subject in any language; Bolton 
King's History of Italian Unity (2 vols., London, 1899) is bulkier and 
less satisfactory, but contains a useful bibliography. A succinct 
account of the chief events of the period will be found in Sir Spencer 
Walpole's History of Twenty-Five Years (London, 1904). See also 
the Cambridge Modern History, vols. x. and xi. (Cambridge, 1907, &c), 
where full bibliographies will be found. (L. V.*) 

F. History, 1870-1902 

The downfall of the temporal power was hailed throughout 
Italy with unbounded enthusiasm. Abroad, Catholic countries 
Italian at nrst received the tidings with resignation, and 
occupa- Protestant countries with joy. In France, where the 
tton of Government of National Defence had replaced the 
Rome. Empire, Cremieux, as president of the government 
delegation at Tours, hastened to offer his congratulations to 
Italy. The occupation of Rome caused no surprise to the 
French government, which had been forewarned on nth 
September of the Italian intentions. On that occasion Jules 
Favre had recognized the September convention to be dead, and, 
while refusing explicitly to denounce it, had admitted that unless 
Italy went to Rome the city would become a prey to dangerous 
agitators. At the same time he made it clear that Italy would 
occupy Rome upon her own responsibility. Agreeably surprised 
by this attitude on the part of France, Visconti-Venosta lost 
no time in conveying officially the thanks of Italy to the French 
government. He doubtless foresaw that the language of Favre 
and Cremieux would not be endorsed by the French Clericals. 
Prussia, while satisfied at the fall of the temporal power, seemed 
to fear lest Italy might recompense the absence of French opposi- 
tion to the occupation of Rome by armed intervention in favour 
of France. Bismarck, moreover, was indignant at the connivance 
of the Italian government in the Garibaldian expedition to 
Dijon, and was irritated by Visconti-Venosta's plea in the 
Italian parliament for the integrity of French territory. The 
course of events in France, however, soon calmed German 
apprehensions. The advent of Thiers, his attitude towards 
the petition of French bishops on behalf of the pope, the recall 
of Senard, the French minister at Florence — who had written to 
congratulate Victor Emmanuel on the capture of Rome — and 
the instructions given to his successor, the comte de Choiseul, 
to absent himself from Italy at the moment of the king's official 
entry into the new capital (2nd July 187 1), together with the 
haste displayed in appointing a French ambassador to the Holy 
See, rapidly cooled the cordiality of Franco-Italian relations, and 
reassured Bismarck on the score of any dangerous intimacy 
between the two governments. 

The friendly attitude of France towards Italy during the 
period immediately subsequent to the occupation of Rome 

seemed to cow and to dishearten the Vatican. For 
A tth" ,e a ^ ew wee ks the relations between the Curia and the 
Vatican. Italian authorities were marked by a conciliatory 

spirit. The secretary-general of the Italian foreign 
office, Baron Blanc, who had accompanied General Cadorna 
to Rome, was received almost daily by Cardinal Antonelli, 
papal secretary of state, in order to settle innumerable questions 
arising out of the Italian occupation. The royal commissioner 

for finance, Giacomelli, had, as a precautionary measure, seized 
the pontifical treasury; but upon being informed by Cardinal 
Antonelli that among the funds deposited in the treasury were 
1,000,000 crowns of Peter's Pence offered by the faithful to the 
pope in person, the commissioner was authorized by the Italian 
council of state not only to restore this sum, but also to indemnify 
the Holy See for moneys expended for the service of the October 
coupon of the pontifical debt, that debt having been taken over 
by the Italian state. On the 29th of September Cardinal Antonelli 
further apprised Baron Blanc that he was about to issue drafts 
for the monthly payment of the 50,000 crowns inscribed in the 
pontifical budget for the maintenance of the pope, the Sacred 
College, the apostolic palaces and the papal guards. The 
Italian treasury at once honoured all the papal drafts, and thus 
contributed a first instalment of the 3,225,000 lire per annum 
afterwards placed by Article 4 of the Law of Guarantees at the 
disposal of the Holy See. Payments would have been regularly 
continued had not pressure from the French Clerical party 
coerced the Vatican into refusing any further instalment. 

Once in possession of Rome, and guarantor to the Catholic 
world of the spiritual independence of the pope, the Italian 
government prepared juridically to regulate its 
relations to the Holy See. A bill known as the Law of 'J* Law 
Guarantees was therefore framed and laid before antees . 
parliament. The measure was an amalgam of Cavour's 
scheme for a " free church in a free state," of Ricasoli's Free 
Church Bill, rejected by parliament four years previously, 
and of the proposals presented to Pius IX. by Count Ponza di 
San Martino in September 1870. After a debate lasting nearly 
two months the Law of Guarantees was adopted in secret ballot 
on the 21st of March 1871 by 185 votes against 106. 

It consisted of two parts. The first, containing thirteen articles, 
recognized (Articles 1 and 2) the person of the pontiff as sacred and 
intangible, and while providing for free discussion of religious 
I questions, punished insults and outrages against the pope in the 
same way as insults and outrages against the king. Royal honours 
were attributed to the pope (Article 3), who was further guaranteed 
the same precedence as that accorded to him by other Catholic 
sovereigns, and the right to maintain his Noble and Swiss guards. 
Article 4 allotted the pontiff an annuity of 3,225,000 lire (£129,000) 
for the maintenance of the Sacred College, the sacred palaces, the 
congregations, the Vatican chancery and the diplomatic service. 
The sacred palaces, museums and libraries were, by Article 5, 
exempted from all taxation, and the pope was assured perpetual 
enjoyment of the Vatican and Lateran buildings and gardens, and of 
the papal villa at Castel Gandolfo. Articles 6 and 7 forbade access 
of any Italian official or agent to the above-mentioned palaces or to 
any eventual conclave or oecumenical council without special author- 
ization from the pope, conclave br council. Article 8 prohibited the 
seizure or examination of any ecclesiastical papers, documents, 
books or registers of purely spiritual character. Article 9 guaranteed 
to the pope full freedom for the exercise of his spiritual ministry, and 
provided for the publication of pontifical announcements on the 
doors of the Roman churches and basilicas. Article 10 extended 
immunity to ecclesiastics employed by the Holy See, and bestowed 
upon foreign ecclesiastics in Rome the personal rights of Italian 
citizens. By Article n, diplomatists accredited to the Holy See, 
and papal diplomatists while in Italy, were placed on the same footing 
as diplomatists accredited to the Quirinal. Article 12 provided for 
the transmission free of cost in Italy of all papal telegrams and 
correspondence both with bishops and foreign governments, and 
sanctioned the establishment, at the expense of the Italian state, 
of a papal telegraph office served by papal officials in communication 
with the Italian postal and telegraph system. Article 13 exempted 
all ecclesiastical seminaries, academies, colleges and schools for the 
education of priests in the city of Rome from all interference on 
the part of the Italian government. 

This portion of the law, designed to reassure foreign Catholics, 
met with little opposition; but the second portion, regulating the 
relations between state and church in Italy, was sharply criticized 
by deputies who, like Sella, recognized the ideal of a " free church in 
a free state " to be an impracticable dream. The second division of 
the law abolished (Article 14) all restrictions upon the right of 
meeting of members of the clergy. By Article 15 the government 
relinquished its rights to apostolic legation in Sicily, and to the ap- 
pointment of its own nominees to the chief benefices throughout the 
kingdom. Bishops were further dispensed from swearing fealty to 
the king, though, except in Rome and suburbs, the choice of bishops 
was limited to ecclesiastics of Italian nationality. Article 16 
abolished the need for royal exequatur and placet for ecclesiastical 
publications, but subordinated the enjoyment of temporalities by 



[i 870-1902 

bishops and priests to the concession of state exequatur and placet. 
Article 17 maintained the independence of the ecclesiastical juris- 
diction in spiritual and disciplinary matters, but reserved for the 
state the exclusive right to carry out coercive measures. 

On the 12th of July 1871, Articles 268, 269 and 270 of the 
Italian Penal Code were so modified as to make ecclesiastics 
liable to imprisonment for periods varying from six months to 
five years, and to fines from 1000 to 3000 lire, for spoken or 
written attacks against the laws of the state, or for the fomenta- 
tion of disorder. An encyclical of Pius IX. to the bishop? of the 
Catholic Church on the 15th of May 187 1 repudiated the Law of 
Guarantees, and summoned Catholic princes to co-operate in 
restoring the temporal power. Practically, therefore, the law 
has remained a one-sided enactment, by which Italy considers 
herself bound, and of which she has always observed the spirit, 
even though the exigencies of self-defence may have led in some 
minor respects to non-observance of the letter. The annuity 
payable to the pope has, for instance, been made subject to 
quinquennial prescription, so that in the event of tardy recogni- 
tion of the law the Vatican could at no time claim payment of 
more than five years' annuity with interest. 

For a few months after the occupation of Rome pressing 
questions incidental to a new change of capital and to the 
administration of a new domain distracted public attention from 
the real condition of Italian affairs. The rise of the Tiber and 
the flooding of Rome in December 1870 (tactfully used by 
Victor Emmanuel as an opportunity for a first visit to the new 
capital) illustrated the imperative necessity of reorganizing the 
drainage of the city and of constructing the Tiber embankment. 
In spite of pressure from the French government, which desired 
Italy to maintain Florence as the political and to regard Rome 
merely as the moral capital of the realm, the government offices 
and both legislative chambers were transferred in 1871 to the 
Eternal City. Early in the year the crown prince Humbert with 
the Princess Margherita took up their residence in the Quirinal 
Palace, which, in view of the Vatican refusal to deliver up the 
keys, had to be opened by force. Eight monasteries were 
expropriated to make room for the chief state departments, 
pending the construction of more suitable edifices. The growth 
of Clerical influence in France engendered a belief that Italy 
would soon have to defend with the sword her newly-won unity, 
while the tremendous lesson of the Franco-Prussian War con- 
vinced the military authorities of the need for thorough military 
reform. General Ricotti Magnani, minister of war, therefore 
framed an Army Reform Bill designed to bring the Italian army 
as nearly as possible up to the Prussian standard. Sella, minister 
of finance, notwithstanding the sorry plight of the Italian 
exchequer, readily granted the means for the reform. " We 
must arm," he said, " since we have overturned the papal 
throne," and he pointed to France as the quarter from which 
attack was most likely to come. 

Though perhaps less desperate than during the previous decade, 
the condition of Italian finance was precarious indeed. With 
taxation screwed up to breaking point on personal and 
real estate, on all forms of commercial and industrial 
activity, and on salt, flour and other necessaries of life; with a 
deficit of £8,500,000 for the current year, and the prospect of a 
further aggregate deficit of £i?,ooo,ooo during the next quin- 
quennium, Sella's heroic struggle against national bankruptcy 
was still far from a successful termination. He chiefly had 
borne the brunt and won the laurels of the unprecedented fight 
against deficit in which Italy had been involved since 1862. 
As finance minister in the Rattazzi cabinet of that year he had 
been confronted with a public debt of nearly £120,000,000, and 
with an immediate deficit of nearly £18,000,000. In 1864, as 
minister in the La Marmora cabinet, he had again to face an 
excess of expenditure over income amounting to more than 
£14,600,000. By the seizure and sale of Church lands, by the 
sale of state railways, by " economy to the bone" and on one 
supreme occasion by an appeal to taxpayers to advance a year's 
quota of the land-tax, he had met the most pressing engagements 
of that troublous period. The king was persuaded to forgo 


one-fifth of his civil list, ministers and the higher civil servants 
were required to relinquish a portion of their meagre salaries, 
but, in spite of all, Sella had found himself in 1865 compelled 
to propose the most hated of fiscal burdens — a grist tax on 
cereals. This tax (macinato) had long been known in Italy. 
Vexatious methods of assessment and collection had made it so 
unpopular that the Italian government in 1859-1860 had thought 
it expedient to abolish it throughout the realm. Sella hoped 
by the application of a mechanical meter both to obviate the 
odium attaching to former methods of collection and to avoid the 
maintenance of an army of inspectors and tax-gatherers, whose 
stipends had formerly eaten up most of the proceeds of the 
impost. Before proposing the reintroduction of the tax, Sella 
and his friend Ferrara improved and made exhaustive experi- 
ments with the meter. The result of their efforts was laid before 
parliament in one of the most monumental and most painstaking 
preambles ever prefixed to a bill. Sella, nevertheless, fell before 
the storm of opposition which his scheme aroused. Scialoja, 
who succeeded him, was obliged to adopt a similar proposal, 
but parliament again proved refractory. Ferrara, successor of 
Scialoja, met a like fate; but Count Cambray-Digny, finance 
minister in the Menabrea cabinet of 1868-1869, driven to find 
means to cover a deficit aggravated by the interest on the 
Venetian debt, succeeded, with Sella's help, in forcing a Grist 
Tax Bill through parliament, though in a form of which Sella 
could not entirely approve. When, on the 1st of January 1869, 
the new tax came into force, nearly half the flour-mills in Italy 
ceased work. In many districts the government was obliged 
to open mills on its own account. Inspectors and tax-gatherers 
did their work under police protection, and in several parts of 
the country riots had to be suppressed manu militari. At first 
the net revenue from the impost was less than £1,100,000; but 
under Sella's firm administration (1869-1873), and in consequence 
of improvements gradually introduced by him, the net return 
ultimately exceeded £3,200,000. The parliamentary opposition 
to the impost, which the Left denounced as " the tax on hunger," 
was largely factitious. Few, except the open partisans of national 
bankruptcy, doubted its necessity; yet so strong was the current 
of feeling worked up for party purposes by opponents of the 
measure, that Sella's achievement in having by its means saved 
the financial. situation of Italy deserves to rank among the most 
noteworthy performances of modern parliamentary statesman- 

Under the stress of the appalling financial conditions 
represented by chronic deficit, crushing taxation, the heavy 
expenditure necessary for the consolidation of the kingdom, the 
reform of the army and the interest on the pontifical debt, Sella, 
on the nth of December 1871, exposed to parliament the 
financial situation in all its nakedness. He recognized that 
considerable improvement had already taken place. Revenue 
from taxation had risen in a decade from £7,000,000 to 
£20,200,000; profit on state monopolies had increased from 
£7,000,000 to £9,400,000; exports had grown to exceed imports; 
income from the working of telegraphs had tripled itself; rail- 
ways had been extended from 2200 to 6200 kilometres, and the 
annual travelling public had augmented from 15,000,000 to 
25,000,000 persons. The serious feature of the situation lay 
less in the income than in the " intangible " expenditure, namely, 
the vast sums required for interest on the various forms of public 
debt and for pensions. Within ten years this category of outlay 
had increased from £8,000,000 to £28,800,000. During the same 
period the assumption of the Venetian and Roman debts, losses 
on the issue of loans and the accumulation of annual deficits, 
had caused public indebtedness to rise from £92,000,000 to 
£328,000,000, no less than £100,000,000 of the latter sum having 
been sacrificed in premiums and commissions to bankers and 
underwriters of loans. By economies and new taxes Sella 
had reduced the deficit to less than £2,000,000 in 1871, but for 
1872 he found himself confronted with a total expenditure of 
£8,000,000 in excess of revenue. He therefore proposed to make 
over the treasury service to the state banks, to increase the 
forced currency, to raise the stamp and registration duties and 




to impose a new tax on textile fabrics. An optional conversion 
of sundry internal loans into consolidated stock at a lower rate of 
interest was calculated to effect considerable saving. The battle 
over these proposals was long and fierce. But for the tactics of 
Rattazzi, leader of the Left, who, by basing his opposition on 
party considerations, impeded the secession of Minghetti and a 
part of the Right from the ministerial majority, Sella would have 
been defeated. On the 23rd of March 1872, however, he suc- 
ceeded in carrying his programme, which not only provided for 
the pressing needs of the moment, but laid the foundation of the 
much-needed equilibrium between expenditure and revenue. 

In the spring of 1873 it became evident that the days of the 
Lanza-Sella cabinet were numbered. Fear of the advent of a 
Radical administration under Rattazzi alone prevented the 
Minghettian Right from revolting against the government. The 
Left, conscious of its strength, impatiently awaited the moment 
of accession to power. Sella, the real head of the Lanza cabinet, 
was worn out by four years' continuous work and disheartened 
by the perfidious misrepresentation in which Italian politicians, 
particularly those of the Left, have ever excelled. By sheer force 
of will he compelled the Chamber early in 1873 to adopt some 
minor financial reforms, but on the 29th of April found himself 
in a minority on the question of a credit for a proposed state 
arsenal at Taranto. Pressure from all sides of the House, how- 
ever, induced the ministry to retain office until after the debate 
on the application to Rome and the Papal States of the Religious 
Orders Bill (originally passed in 1866) — a measure which, with 
the help of Ricasoli, was carried at the end of May. While 
leaving intact the general houses of the various confraternities 
(except that of the Jesuits), the bill abolished the 
Religious corporate personality of religious orders, handed over 
Bill. their schools and hospitals to civil administrators, 

placed their churches at the disposal of the secular 
clergy, and provided pensions for nuns and monks, those who 
had families being sent to reside with their relatives, and those 
who by reason of age or bereavement had no home but their 
monasteries being allowed to end their days in religious houses 
specially set apart for the purpose. The proceeds of the sale of 
the suppressed convents and monasteries were partly converted 
into pensions for monks and nuns, and partly allotted to the 
municipal charity boards which had undertaken the educational 
and charitable functions formerly exercised by the religious 
orders. To the pope was made over £16,000 per annum as a 
contribution to the expense of maintaining in Rome represen- 
tatives of foreign orders; the Sacred College, however, rejected 
this endowment, and summoned all the suppressed confraternities 
to reconstitute themselves under the ordinary Italian law of 
association. A few days after the passage of the Religious Orders 
Bill, the death of Rattazzi (5th June 1873) removed all probability 
of the immediate advent of the Left. Sella, uncertain of the 
loyalty of the Right, challenged a vote on the immediate dis- 
cussion of further financial reforms, and on the 23rd of June was 
overthrown by a coalition of the Left under Depretis with a 
part of the Right under Minghetti and the Tuscan Centre under 
Correnti. The administration which thus fell was unquestionably 
the most important since the death of Cavour. It had completed 
national unity, transferred the capital to Rome, overcome the 
chief obstacles to financial equilibrium, initiated military reform 
and laid the foundation of the relations between state and church. 
The succeeding Minghetti-Visconti-Venosta cabinet — which 
held office from the 10th of July 1873 to the 18th of March 1876 — 
continued in essential points the work of the preceding 
administration. Minghetti's finance, though less clear- 
sighted and less resolute than that of Sella, was on the whole 
prudent and beneficial. With the aid of Sella he concluded 
conventions for the redemption of the chief Italian railways from 
their French and Austrian proprietors. By dint of expedients he 
gradually overcame the chronic deficit, and, owing to the normal 
increase of revenue, ended his term of office with the announce- 
ment of a surplus of some £720,000. The question whether this 
surplus was real or only apparent has been much debated, but 
fchere is no reason to doubt its substantial reality. It left out of 


account a sum of £1,000,000 for railway construction which was 
covered by credit, but, on the other hand, took no note of 
£360,000 expended in the redemption of debt. Practically, 
therefore, the Right, of which the Minghetti cabinet was the last 
representative administration, left Italian finance with a surplus 
of £80,000. Outside the all-important domain of finance, the 
attention of Minghetti and his colleagues was principally absorbed 
by strife between church and state, army reform and railway 
redemption. For some time after the occupation of Rome the 
pope, in order to substantiate the pretence that his spiritual 
freedom had been diminished, avoided the creation of cardinals 
and the nomination of bishops. On the 22nd of December 1873, 
however, he unexpectedly created twelve cardinals, and subse- 
quently proceeded to nominate a number of bishops. Visconti- 
Venosta, who had retained the portfolio for foreign affairs in the 
Minghetti cabinet, at once drew the attention of the European 
powers to this proof of the pope's spiritual freedom and of the 
imaginary nature of his " imprisonment " in the Vatican. At 
the same time he assured them that absolute liberty would be 
guaranteed to the deliberations of a conclave. In relation to the 
Church in Italy, Minghetti's policy was less perspicacious. 
He let it be understood that the announcement of the appoint- 
ment of bishops and the request for the royal exequatur might be 
made to the government impersonally by the congregation of 
bishops and regulars, by a municipal council or by any other 
corporate body — a concession of which the bishops were quick to 
take advantage, but which so irritated Italian political opinion 
that, in July 1875, the government was compelled to withdraw 
the temporalities of ecclesiastics who had neglected to apply for 
the exequatur, and to evict sundry bishops who had taken posses- 
sion of their palaces without authorization from the state. 
Parliamentary pressure further obliged Bonghi, minister of 
public instruction, to compel clerical seminaries either to forgo 
the instruction of lay pupils or to conform to the laws of the 
state in regard to inspection and examination, an ordinance 
which gave rise to conflicts between ecclesiastical and lay 
authorities, and led to the forcible dissolution of the Mantua 
seminary and to the suppression of the Catholic university in 

More noteworthy than its management of internal affairs 
were the efforts of the Minghetti cabinet to strengthen and 
consolidate national defence. Appalled by the weak- 
ness, or rather the non-existence, of the navy, Admiral MIII J ary 
Saint-Bon, with his coadjutor Signor Brin, addressed reform. 
himself earnestly to the task of recreating the fleet, 
which had never recovered from the effects of the disaster of 
Lissa. During his three years of office he laid the foundation 
upon which Brin was afterwards to build up a new Italian navy. 
Simultaneously General Ricotti Magnani matured the army 
reform scheme which he had elaborated under the preceding 
administration. His bill, adopted by parliament on the 7th of 
June 1875, still forms the ground plan of the Italian army. 

It was fortunate for Italy that during the whole period 1869- 
1876 the direction of' her foreign policy remained in the experi- 
enced hands of Visconti-Venosta, a statesman whose Foreign 
trustworthiness, dignity and moderation even political policy 
opponents have been compelled to recognize. Diplo- 
matic records fail to substantiate the accusations of 
lack of initiative and instability of political criterion currently 
brought against him by contemporaries. As foreign minister of 
a young state which had attained unity in defiance of the most 
formidable religious organization in the world and in opposition 
to the traditional policy of France, it could but be Visconti- 
Venosta 's aim to uphold the dignity of his country while convinc- 
ing European diplomacy that United Italy was an element of 
order and progress, and that the spiritual independence of the 
Roman pontiff had suffered no diminution. Prudence, moreover, 
counselled avoidance of all action likely to serve the predominant 
anti-Italian party in France as a pretext for violent intervention 
in favour of the pope. On the occasion of the Metrical Congress, 
which met in Paris in 1872, he, however, successfully protested 
against the recognition of the Vatican delegate, Father Secchi, 

under the 




as a representative of a " state," and obtained from Count de 
Remusat, French foreign minister, a formal declaration that the 
presence of Father Secchi on that occasion could not constitute a 
diplomatic precedent. The irritation displayed by Bismarck 
at the Francophil attitude of Italy towards the end of the 
Franco-German War gave place to a certain show of goodwill 
when the great chancellor found himself in his turn involved 
in a struggle against the Vatican and when the policy of Thiers 
began to strain Franco-Italian relations. Thiers had consistently 
opposed the emperor Napoleon's pro-Italian policy. In the case 
of Italy, as in that of Germany, he frankly regretted the constitu- 
tion of powerful homogeneous states upon the borders of France. 
Personal pique accentuated this feeling in regard to Italy. 
The refusal of Victor Emmanuel II. to meet Thiers at the opening 
of the Mont Cenis tunnel (a refusal not unconnected with offensive 
language employed at Florence in October 1870 by Thiers during 
his European tour, and with his instructions to the French 
minister to remain absent from Victor Emmanuel's official 
entry into Rome) had wounded the amour propre of the French 
statesman, and had decreased whatever inclination he might 
otherwise have felt to oppose the French Clerical agitation for 
the restoration of the temporal power, and for French interference 
with the Italian Religious Orders Bill. Consequently relations 
between France and Italy became so strained that in 1873 both 
the French minister to the Quirinal and the Italian minister to 
the Republic remained for several months absent from their 
posts. At this juncture the emperor of Austria invited Victor 
Emmanuel to visit the Vienna Exhibition, and the Italian 
government received a confidential intimation that acceptance 
of the invitation to Vienna would be followed by a further 
invitation from Berlin. Perceiving the advantage of a visit 
to the imperial and apostolic court after the Italian occupation 
of Rome and the suppression of the religious orders, and con- 
vinced of the value of more cordial intercourse with the German 
empire, Visconti-Venosta and Minghetti advised their sovereign 
to accept both the Austrian and the subsequent German invita- 
tions. The visit to Vienna took place on the 17th to the 22nd 
of September, and that to Berlin on the 22nd to the 26th of 
September 1873, the Italian monarch being accorded in both 
capitals a most cordial reception, although the contemporaneous 
publication of La Marmora's famous pamphlet, More Light on 
the Events of 1866, prevented intercourse between the Italian 
ministers and Bismarck from being entirely confidential. Visconti- 
Venosta and Minghetti, moreover, wisely resisted the chancellor's 
pressure to override the Law of Guarantees and to engage in an 
Italian Kulturkampf. Nevertheless the royal journey contributed 
notably to the establishment of cordial relations between Italy 
and the central powers, relations which were further strengthened 
by the visit of the emperor Francis Joseph to Victor Emmanuel 
at Venice in April 1875, and by that of the German emperor 
to Milan in October of the same year. Meanwhile Thiers had 
given place to Marshal Macmahon, who effected a decided 
improvement in Franco-Italian relations by recalling from 
Civitavecchia the cruiser " Orenoque," which since 1870 had been 
stationed in that port at the disposal of the pope in case he 
should desire to quit Rome. The foreign policy of Visconti- 
Venosta may be said to have reinforced the international position 
of Italy without sacrifice of dignity, and without the vacillation 
and short-sightedness which was to characterize the ensuing 
administrations of the Left. 

The fall of the Right on the 18th of March 1876 was an event 
destined profoundly and in many respects adversely to affect 
the course of Italian history. Except at rare and not auspicious 
intervals, the Right had held office from 1849 to 1876. Its 
rule was associated in the popular mind with severe administra- 
tion; hostility to the democratic elements represented by 
Garibaldi, Crispi, Depretis and Bertani; ruthless imposition 
and collection of taxes in order to meet the financial engagements 
forced upon Italy by the vicissitudes of her Risorgimento; 
strong predilection for Piedmontese, Lombards and Tuscans, 
and a steady determination, not always scrupulous in its choice 
of means, to retain executive power and the most important 

administrative offices of the state for the consorteria, or close 
corporation, of its own adherents. For years the men of the 
Left had worked to inoculate the electorate with suspicion of 
Conservative methods and with hatred of the imposts which 
they nevertheless knew to be indispensable to sound finance. 
In regard to the grist tax especially, the agitators of the Left 
had placed their party in a radically false position. Moreover, 
the redemption of the railways by the state — contracts for which 
had been signed by Sella in 1875 on behalf of the Minghetti 
cabinet with Rothschild at Basel and with the Austrian govern- 
ment at Vienna — had been fiercely opposed by the Left, although 
its members were for the most part convinced of the utility 
of the operation. When, at the beginning of March 1876, these 
contracts were submitted to parliament, a group of Tuscan 
deputies, under Cesare Correnti, joined the opposition, and on 
the 1 8th of March took advantage of a chance motion concerning 
the date of discussion of an interpellation on the grist tax to 
place the Minghetti cabinet in a minority. Depretis, ex-pro- 
dictator of Sicily, and successor of Rattazzi in the leadership 
of the Left, was entrusted by the king with the formation of a 
Liberal ministry. Besides the premiership, Depretis assumed the 
portfolio of finance; Nicote"ra, an ex-Garibaldian of 
somewhat tarnished reputation, but a man of energetic \! 
and conservative temperament, was placed at the cabinet. 
ministry of the interior; public works were entrusted 
to Zanardelli, a Radical doctrinaire of considerable juridical 
attainments; General Mezzacapo and Signor Brin replaced 
General Ricotti Magnani and Admiral Saint-Bon at the war office 
and ministry of marine; while to Mancini and Coppino, pro- 
minent members of the Left, were allotted the portfolios of jus- 
tice and public instruction. Great difficulty was experienced in 
finding a foreign minister willing to challenge comparison with 
Visconti-Venosta. Several diplomatists in active service were 
approached, but, partly on account of their refusal, and partly 
from the desire of the Left to avoid giving so important a post 
to a diplomatist bound by ties of friendship or of interest to the 
Right, the choice fell upon Melegari, Italian minister at Bern. 

The new ministers had long since made monarchical professions 
of faith, but, up to the moment of taking office, were nevertheless 
considered to be tinged with an almost revolutionary hue. The 
king alone appeared to feel no misgiving. His shrewd sense of 
political expediency and his loyalty to constitutional principles 
saved -him from the error of obstructing the advent and driving 
into an anti-dynastic attitude politicians who had succeeded 
in winning popular favour. Indeed, the patriotism and loyalty 
of the new ministers were above suspicion. Danger lay rather 
in entrusting men schooled in political conspiracy and in un- 
scrupulous parliamentary opposition with the government of a 
young state still beset by enemies at home and abroad. As an 
opposition party the Left had lived upon the. facile credit of 
political promises, but had no well-considered programme nor 
other discipline nor unity of purpose than that born of the 
common eagerness of its leaders for office and their common 
hostility to the Right. Neither Depretis, Nicotera, Crispi, 
Cairoli nor Zanardelli was disposed permanently to recognize 
the superiority of any one chief. The dissensions which broke 
out among them within a few months of the accession of their 
party to power never afterwards disappeared, except at rare 
moments when it became necessary to unite in preventing the 
return of the Conservatives. Considerations such as these could 
not be expected to appeal to the nation at large, which hailed 
the advent of the Left as the dawn of an era of unlimited popular 
sovereignty, diminished administrative pressure, reduction of 
taxation and general prosperity. The programme of Depretis 
corresponded only in part to these expectations. Its chief 
points were extension of the franchise, incompatibility of a 
parliamentary mandate with an official position, strict Pro ^ 
enforcement of the rights of the State in regard to the gramme 
Church, protection of freedom of conscience, mainten- of the 
ance of th e military and naval policy inaugurated by the 
Conservatives, acceptance of the railway redemption contracts, 
consolidation of the financial equilibrium, abolition of the lorcee 




currency, and, eventually, fiscal reform. The long-promised 
abolition of the grist tax was not explicitly mentioned, opposition 
to the railway redemption contracts was transformed into 
approval, and the vaunted reduction of taxation replaced by 
lip-service to the Conservative deity of financial equilibrium. 
The railway redemption contracts were in fact immediately 
voted by parliament, with a clause pledging the government 
to legislate in favour of farming out the railways to private 

Nicotera, minister of the interior, began his administration 
of home affairs by a sweeping change in the personnel of the 
prefects, sub-prefects and public prosecutors, but found himself 
obliged to incur the wrath of his supporters by prohibiting 
Radical meetings likely to endanger public order, and by enunciat- 
ing administrative principles which would have befitted an 
inveterate Conservative. In regard to the Church, he instructed 
the prefects strictly to prevent infraction of the law against 
religious orders. At the same time the cabinet, as a whole, 
brought in a Clerical Abuses Bill, threatening with severe 
punishment priests guilty of disturbing the peace of families, 
of opposing the laws of the state, or of fomenting disorder. 
Depretis, for his part, was compelled to declare impracticable 
the immediate abolition of the grist tax, and to frame a bill for 
the increase of revenue, acts which caused the secession of some 
sixty Radicals and Republicans from the ministerial majority, 
and gave the signal for an agitation against the premier similar 
to that which he himself had formerly undertaken against the 
Right. The first general election under the Left (November 
1876) had yielded the cabinet the overwhelming majority of 
421 Ministerialists against 87 Conservatives, but the very size 
of the majority rendered it unmanageable. The Clerical Abuses 
Bill provoked further dissensions: Nicotera was severely 
affected by revelations concerning his political past; Zanardelli 
refused to sanction the construction of a railway in Calabria 
in which Nicotera was interested; and Depretis saw fit to com- 
pensate the supporters of his bill for the increase of revenue 
by decorating at one stroke sixty ministerial deputies with the 
Order of the Crown of Italy. A further derogation from the 
ideal of democratic austerity was committed by adding £80,000 
per annum to the king's civil list (14th May 1877) and by burden- 
ing the state exchequer with royal household pensions amounting 
to £20,000 a year. The civil list, which the law of the 10th of 
August 1862 had fixed at £650,000 a year, but which had been 
voluntarily reduced by the king to £530,000 in 1864, and to 
£490,000 in 1867, was thus raised to £570,000 a year. Almost 
the only respect in which the Left could boast a decided im- 
provement over the administration of the Right was the energy 
displayed by Nicotera in combating brigandage and the mafia 
in Calabria and Sicily. Successes achieved in those provinces 
failed, however, to save Nicotera from the wrath of the Chamber, 
and on the 14th of December 1877 a cabinet crisis arose over a 
question concerning the secrecy of telegraphic correspondence. 
Depretis thereupon reconstructed his administration, excluding 
Nicotera, Melegari and Zanardelli, placing Crispi at the home 
office, entrusting Magliani with finance, and himself assuming 
the direction of foreign affairs. 

In regard to foreign affairs, the debut of the Left as a governing 
party was scarcely more satisfactory than its home policy. 
Since the war of 1866 the Left had advocated an Italo- 
ou t P russ ' an alliance in opposition to the Francophil 
the Lett, tendencies of the Right. On more than one occasion 
Bismarck had maintained direct relations with the 
chiefs of the Left, and had in 1870 worked to prevent a Franco- 
Italian alliance by encouraging the " party of action " to press 
for the occupation of Rome. Besides, the Left stood for anti- 
clericalism and for the retention by the State of means of coercing 
the Church, in opposition to the men of the Right, who, with 
the exception of Sella, favoured Cavour's ideal of " a free Church 
in a free State," and the consequent abandonment of state 
control over ecclesiastical government. Upon the outbreak of 
the Prussian Kulturkampf the Left had pressed the Right to 
introduce an Italian counterpart to the Prussian May laws, 
xv. 3 

especially as the attitude of Thiers and the hostility of the 
French Clericals obviated the need for sparing French sus- 
ceptibilities. Visconti-Venosta and Minghetti, partly from 
aversion to a Jacobin policy, and partly from a conviction that 
Bismarck sooner or later would undertake his Gang nach Canossa, 
regardless of any tacit engagement he might have assumed 
towards Italy, had wisely declined to be drawn into any infraction 
of the Law of Guarantees. It was, however, expected that the 
chiefs of the Left, upon attaining office, would turn resolutely 
towards Prussia in search of a guarantee against the Clerical 
menace embodied in the regime of Marshal Macmahon. On the 
contrary, Depretis and Melegari, both of whom were imbued 
with French Liberal doctrines, adopted towards the Republic 
an attitude so deferential as to arouse suspicion in Vienna and 
Berlin. Depretis recalled Nigra from Paris and replaced him by 
General Cialdini, whose ardent plea for Italian intervention 
in favour of France in 1870, and whose comradeship with Marshal 
Macmahon in 1859, would, it was supposed, render him persona 
gratissima to the French government. This calculation was 
falsified by events. Incensed by the elevation to the rank of 
embassies of the Italian legation in Paris and the French legation 
to the Quirinal, and by the introduction of the Italian bill 
against clerical abuses, the French Clerical party not only attacked 
Italy and her representative, General Cialdini, in the Chamber 
of Deputies, but promoted a monster petition against the Italian 
bill. Even the coup d'etat of the 16th of May 1877 (when 
Macmahon dismissed the Jules Simon cabinet for opposing the 
Clerical petition) hardly availed to change the attitude of 
Depretis. As a precaution against an eventual French attempt 
to restore the temporal power, orders were hurriedly given to 
complete the defences of Rome, but in other respects the Italian 
government maintained its subservient attitude. Yet at that 
moment the adoption of a clear line of policy, in accord with 
the central powers, might have saved Italy from the loss of 
prestige entailed by her bearing in regard to the Russo-Turkish 
War and the Austrian acquisition of Bosnia, and might have 
prevented the disappointment subsequently occasioned by the 
outcome of the Congress of Berlin. In the hope of inducing 
the European powers to " compensate" Italy for the increase 
of Austrian influence on the Adriatic, Crispi undertook in the 
autumn of 1877, with the approval of the king, and in spite of 
the half-disguised opposition of Depretis, a semi-official mission 
to Paris, Berlin, London and Vienna. The mission appears 
not to have been an unqualified success, though Crispi afterwards 
affirmed in the Chamber (4th March 1886) that Depretis might in 
1877 " have harnessed fortune to the Italian chariot." Depretis, 
anxious only to avoid " a policy of adventure," let slip whatever 
opportunity may have presented itself, and neglected even to 
deal energetically with the impotent but mischievous Italian 
agitation for a " rectification " of the Italo-Austrian frontier. 
He greeted the treaty of San Stefano (3rd March 1878) with 
undisguised relief, and by the mouth of the king, congratulated 
Italy (7th March 1878) on having maintained with the powers 
friendly and cordial relations " free from suspicious precautions," 
and upon having secured for herself " that most precious of 
alliances, the alliance of the future " — a phrase of which the 
empty rhetoric was to be bitterly demonstrated by the Berlin 
Congress and the French occupation of Tunisia. 

The entry of Crispi into the Depretis cabinet (December 1877) 
placed at the ministry of the interior a strong hand and sure eye 
at a moment when they were about to become im- crispi. 
peratively necessary. Crispi was the only man of truly 
statesmanlike calibre in the ranks of the Left. Formerly a friend 
and disciple of Mazzini, with whom he had broken On the question 
of the monarchical form of government which Crispi believed 
indispensable to the unification of Italy, he had afterwards been 
one of Garibaldi's most efficient coadjutors and an active member 
of the " party of action." Passionate, not always scrupulous in 
his choice and use of political weapons, intensely patriotic, loyal 
with a loyalty based rather or reason than sentiment, quick- 
witted, prompt in action, determined and pertinacious, he 
possessed in eminent degree many qualities lacking in other 




//. and 
Plus IX. 

Liberal chieftains. Hardly had he assumed office when the 
unexpected death of Victor Emmanuel II. (9th January 
Deaths of l &7&) stirred national feeling to an unprecedented 
victor depth, and placed the continuity of monarchical in- 
Emmanuel stitutions in Italy upon trial before Europe. For thirty 
years Victor Emmanuel had been the centre point 
of national hopes, the token and embodiment of the 
struggle for national redemption. He had led the country out of 
the despondency which followed the defeat of Novara and the 
abdication of Charles Albert, through all the vicissitudes of 
national unification to the final triumph at Rome. His dis- 
appearance snapped the chief link with the heroic period, and 
removed from the helm of state a ruler of large heart, great 
experience and civil courage, at a moment when elements of 
continuity were needed and vital problems of internal reorganiza- 
tion had still to be faced. Crispi adopted the measures necessary 
to ensure the tranquil accession of King Humbert with a quick 
energy which precluded any Radical or Republican demonstra- 
tions. His influence decided the choice of the Roman Pantheon 
as the late monarch's burial-place, in spite of formidable pressure 
from the Piedmontese, who wished Victor Emmanuel II. to rest 
with the Sardinian kings at Superga. He also persuaded the 
new ruler to inaugurate, as King Humbert I., the new dynastical 
epoch of the kings of Italy, instead of continuing as Humbert IV. 
the succession of the kings of Sardinia. Before the commotion 
caused by the death of Victor Emmanuel had passed away, the 
decease of Pius IX (7th February 1878) placed further demands 
upon Crispi's sagacity and promptitude. Like Victor Emmanuel, 
Pius IX. had been bound up with the history of the Risorgimento, 
but. unlike him, had represented and embodied the anti-national, 
reactionary spirit. Ecclesiastically, he had become the instru- 
ment of the triumph of Jesuit influence, and had in turn set his 
seal upon the dogma of the Immaculate Conception, the Syllabus 
and Papal Infallibility. Yet, in spite of all, his jovial disposition 
and good-humoured cynicism saved him from unpopularity, and 
rendered his death an occasion of mourning. Notwithstanding 
the pontiff's bestowal of the apostolic benediction in articulo 
mortis upon Victor Emmanuel, the attitude of the Vatican had 
remained so inimical as to make it doubtful whether the conclave 
would be held in Rome. Crispi, whose strong anti-clerical con- 
victions did not prevent him from regarding the papacy as pre- 
eminently an Italian institution, was determined both to prove 
to the Catholic world the practical independence of the govern- 
ment of the Church and to retain for Rome so potent a centre of 
universal attraction as the presence of the future pope. The 
Sacred College having decided to hold the conclave abroad, Crispi 
assured them of absolute freedom if they remained in Rome, or of 
protection to the frontier should they migrate, but warned 
them that, once evacuated, the Vatican would be occupied in the 
name of the Italian government and be lost to the Church as 
headquarters of the papacy. The cardinals thereupon overruled 
their former decision, and the conclave was held in Rome, the 
new pope, Cardinal Pecci, being elected on the 20th of February 
1878 without let or hindrance. The Italian government not only 
Leo xni prorogued the Chamber during the conclave to prevent 
unseemly inquiries or demonstrations on the part of 
deputies, but by means of Mancini, minister of justice, and 
Cardinal di Pietro, assured the new pope protection during the 
settlement of his outstanding personal affairs, an assurance of 
which Leo XIII. on the evening after his election, took full 
advantage. At the same time the duke of Aosta, commander of 
the Rome army corps, ordered the troops to render royal honours 
to the pontiff should he officially appear in the capital. King 
Humbert addressed to the pope a letter of congratulation upon 
his election, and received a courteous reply. The improve- 
ment thus signalized in the relations between Quirinal and 
Vatican was further exemplified on the 18th of October 1878, 
when the Italian government accepted a papal formula with 
regard to the granting of the royal exequatur for bishops, 
whereby they, upon nomination by the Holy See, recognized 
state control over, and made application for, the payment of 
their temporalities. 


The Depretis-Crispi cabinet did not long survive the opening 
of the new reign. Crispi's position was shaken by a morally 
plausible but juridically untenable charge of bigamy, 
while on the 8th of March the election of Cairoli, an 
opponent of the ministry and head of the extremer section of the 
Left, to the presidency of the Chamber, induced Depretis to 
tender his resignation to the new king. Cairoli succeeded in 
forming an administration, in which his friend Count Corti, 
Italian ambassador at Constantinople, accepted the portfolio of 
foreign affairs, Zanardelli the ministry of the interior, and Seismit 
Doda the ministry of finance. Though the cabinet had no stable 
majority, it induced the Chamber to sanction a commercial 
treaty which had been negotiated with France and a general 
" autonomous " customs tariff. The commercial treaty was, 
however, rejected by the French Chamber in June 1878, a cir- 
cumstance necessitating the application of the Italian general 
tariff, which implied a 10 to 20% increase in the duties on the 
principal French exports. A highly imaginative financial exposi- 
tion by Seismit Doda, who announced a surplus of £2,400,000, 
paved the way for a Grist Tax Reduction Bill, which Cairoli had 
taken over from the Depretis programme. The Chamber, 
though convinced of the danger of this reform, the perils of which 
were incisively demonstrated by Sella, voted by an overwhelming 
majority for an immediate reduction of the impost by one- 
fourth, and its complete abolition within four years. Cairoli's 
premiership was, however, destined to be cut short by an attempt 
made upon the king's life in November 1878, during a royal visit 
to Naples, by a miscreant named Passanante. In spite of the 
courage and presence of mind of Cairoli, who received the dagger 
thrust intended for" the king, public and parb'amentary indigna- 
tion found expression in a vote which compelled the ministry to 

Though brief, Cairoli's term of office was momentous in regard 

to foreign affairs. The treaty of San Stefano had led to the 

convocation of the Berlin Congress, and though Count 

Corti was by no means ignorant of the rumours con- *r y *,, 

, „ . . the Berlin 

cernmg secret agreements between Germany, Austria congress. 

and Russia, and Germany, Austria and Great Britain, 
he scarcely seemed alive to the possible effect of such agreements 
upon Italy. Replying on the 9th of April 1878 to interpellations 
by Visconti -Venosta and other deputies on the impending 
Congress of Berlin, he appeared free from apprehension lest 
Italy, isolated, might find herself face to face with a change of 
the balance of power in the Mediterranean, and declared that 
in the event of serious complications Italy would be " too much 
sought after rather than too much forgotten." The policy of 
Italy in the congress, he added, would be to support the interests 
of the young Balkan nations. Wrapped in this optimism, Count 
Corti proceeded, as first Italian delegate, to Berlin, where he 
found himself obliged, on the 28th of May, to join reluctantly in 
sanctioning the Austrian occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. 
On the 8th of July the revelation of the Anglo-Ottoman treaty 
for the British occupation of Cyprus took the congress by surprise. 
Italy, who had made the integrity of the Ottoman empire a 
cardinal point of her Eastern policy, felt this change of the 
Mediterranean status quo the more severely inasmuch as, in 
order not to strain her relations with France, she had turned a 
deaf ear to Austrian, Russian and German advice to prepare to 
occupy Tunisia in agreement with Great Britain. Count Corti 
had no suspicion that France had adopted a less disinterested 
attitude towards similar suggestions from Bismarck and Lord 
Salisbury. He therefore returned from the German capital 
with " clean " but empty hands, a plight which found marked 
disfavour in Italian eyes, and stimulated anti-Austrian Irre- 
dentism. Ever since Venetia had been ceded by 
Austria to the emperor Napoleon, and by him to Italy, /sm> 
after the war of 1866, secret revolutionary com- 
mittees had been formed in the northern Italian provinces to 
prepare for the "redemption" of Trent and Trieste. For 
twelve years these committees had remained comparatively in- 
active, but in 1878 the presence of the ex-Garibaldian Cairoli 
at the head of the government, and popular dissatisfaction at the 




spread of Austrian sway on the Adriatic, encouraged them to 
begin a series of noisy demonstrations. On the evening of the 
signature at Berlin of the clause sanctioning the Austrian occupa- 
tion of Bosnia and Herzegovina, an Irredentist riot took place 
before the Austrian consulate at Venice. The Italian govern- 
ment attached little importance to the occurrence, and believed 
that a diplomatic expression of regret would suffice to allay 
Austrian irritation. Austria, indeed, might easily have been 
persuaded to ignore the Irredentist agitation, had not the 
equivocal attitude of Cairoli and Zanardelli cast doubt upon the 
sincerity of their regret. The former at Pa via (15th October 
1878), and the latter at Arco (3rd November), declared publicly 
that Irredentist manifestations could not be prevented under 
existing laws, but gave no hint of introducing any law to sanction 
their prevention. " Repression, not prevention " became the 
official formula, the enunciation of which by Cairoli at Pavia 
caused Count Corti and two other ministers to resign. 

The fall of Cairoli, and the formation of a second Depretis 
cabinet in 1878, brought no substantial change in the attitude 
of the government towards Irredentism, nor was the position 
improved by the return of Cairoli to power in the following July. 
Though aware of Bismarck's hostility towards Italy, of the 
conclusion of the Austro-German alliance of 1879, and of the 
undisguised ill-will of France, Italy not only made no attempt 
to crush an agitation as mischievous as it was futile, but granted 
a state funeral to General Avezzana, president of the Irredentist 
League. In Bonghi's mordant phrase, the foreign policy of 
Italy during this period may be said to have been characterized 
by " enormous intellectual impotence counterbalanced by equal 
moral feebleness." Home affairs were scarcely better managed. 
Parliament had degenerated into a congeries of personal groups, 
whose members were eager only to overturn cabinets in order 
to secure power for the leaders and official favours for themselves. 
Depretis, who had succeeded Cairoli in December 1878, fell in 
July 1879, after a vote in which Cairoli and Nicotera joined the 
Conservative opposition. On 12th July Cairoli formed a new 
administration, only to resign on 24th November, and to recon- 
struct his cabinet with the help of Depretis. The administration 
of finance was as chaotic as the condition of parliament. The 
£2,400,000 surplus announced by Seismit Doda proved to be a 
myth. Nevertheless Magliani, who succeeded Seismit Doda, 
had neither the perspicacity nor the courage to resist the abolition 
of the grist tax. The first vote of the Chamber for the immediate 
diminution of the tax, and for its total abolition on 1st January 
1883, had been opposed by the Senate. A second bill 
was passed by the Chamber on 18th July 1879, pro- 
viding for the immediate repeal of the grist tax on minor cereals, 
and for its total abolition on 1st January 1884. While approving 
the repeal in regard to minor cereals, the Senate (24th January 
1880) again rejected the repeal of the tax on grinding wheat as 
prejudicial to national finance. After the general election of 
1880, however, the Ministerialists, aided by a number of factious 
Conservatives, passed a third bill repealing the grist tax on 
wheat (10th July 1880), the repeal to take effect from the 1st of 
January 1884 onwards. The Senate, in which the partisans of 
the ministry had been increased by numerous appointments ad 
hoc, finally set the seal of its approval upon the measure. Not- 
withstanding this prospective loss of revenue, parliament showed 
great reluctance to vote any new impost, although hardly a year 
previously it had sanctioned (30th June 1879) Depretis's scheme 
for spending during the next eighteen years £43,200,000 in 
building 5000 kilometres of railway, an expenditure not wholly 
justified by the importance of the lines, and useful principally 
as a source of electoral sops for the constituents of ministerial 
deputies. The unsatisfactory financial condition of the Florence, 
Rome and Naples municipalities necessitated state help, but 
the Chamber nevertheless proceeded with a light heart (23rd 
February 1881) to sanction the issue of a foreign loan for 
£26,000,000, with a view to the abolition of the forced currency, 
thus adding to the burdens of the exchequer a load which 
three years later again dragged Italy into the gulf of chronic 


In no modern country is error or incompetence on the part 
of administrators more swiftly followed by retribution than in 
Italy; both at home and abroad she is hemmed in 
by political and economic conditions which leave 
little margin for folly, and still less for " mental and moral 
insufficiency," such as had been displayed by the Left. Nemesis 
came in the spring of 1881, in the form of the French invasion 
of Tunisia. Guiccioli, the biographer of Sella, observes that 
Italian politicians find it especially hard to resist " the temptation 
of appearing crafty." The men of the Left believed themselves 
subtle enough to retain the confidence and esteem of all foreign 
powers •while coquetting at home with elements which some 
of these powers had reason to regard with suspicion. Italy, 
in constant danger from France, needed good relations with 
Austria and Germany, but could only attain the goodwill of 
the former by firm treatment of the revolutionary Irredentist 
agitation, and of the latter by clear demonstration of Italian 
will and ability to cope with all anti-monarchical forces. Depretis 
and Cairoli did neither the one nor the other. Hence, when 
opportunity offered firmly to establish Italian predominance in 
the central Mediterranean by an occupation of Tunisia, they 
found themselves deprived of those confidential relations with 
the central powers, and even with Great Britain, which might 
have enabled them to use the opportunity to full advantage. 
The conduct of Italy in declining the suggestions received from 
Count Andrassy and General Ignatiev on the eve of the Russo- 
Turkish War — that Italy should seek compensation in Tunisia 
for the extension of Austrian sway in the Balkans — and in 
subsequently rejecting the German suggestion to come to an 
arrangement with Great Britain for the occupation of Tunisia as 
compensation for the British occupation of Cyprus, was certainly 
due to fear lest an attempt on Tunisia should lead to a war with 
France, for which Italy knew herself to be totally unprepared. 
This very unpreparedness, however, rendered still less excusable 
her treatment of the Irredentist agitation, which brought her 
within a hair's-breadth of a conflict with Austria. Although 
Cairoli, upon learning of the Anglo-Ottoman convention in regard 
to Cyprus, had advised Count Corti of the possibility that Great 
Britain might seek to placate France by conniving at a French 
occupation of Tunisia, neither he nor Count Corti had any 
inkling of the verbal arrangement made between Lord Salisbury 
and Waddington at the instance of Bismarck, that, when con- 
venient, France should occupy Tunisia, an agreement afterwajds 
confirmed (with a reserve as to the eventual attitude of Italy) 
in despatches exchanged in July and August 1878 between the 
Quai d'Orsay and Downing Street. Almost up to the moment 
of the French occupation of Tunisia the Italian government 
believed that Great Britain, if only out of gratitude for the bearing 
of Italy in connexion with the Dulcigno demonstration in the 
autumn of 1880, would prevent French acquisition of the Regency. 
Ignorant of the assurance conveyed to France by Lord Granville 
that the Gladstone cabinet would respect the engagements of 
the Beaconsfield-Salisbury administration, Cairoli, in deference 
to Italian public opinion, endeavoured to neutralize the activity 
of the French consul Roustan by the appointment of an equally 
energetic Italian consul, Maccio. The rivalry between these 
two officials in Tunisia contributed not a little to strain Franco- 
Italian relations, but it is doubtful whether France would have 
precipitated her action had not General Menabrea, Italian 
ambassador in London, urged his government to purchase the 
Tunis-Goletta railway from the English company by which it 
had been constructed. A French attempt to purchase the line 
was upset in the English courts, and the railway was finally 
secured by Italy at a price more than eight times its real value. 
This pertinacity engendered a belief in France that Italy was 
about to undertake in Tunisia a more aggressive policy than 
necessary for the protection of her commercial interests. Roustan 
therefore hastened to extort from the bey concessions calculated 
to neutralize the advantages which Italy had hoped to secure 
by the possession of the Tunis-Goletta line, and at the same time 
the French government prepared at Toulon an expeditionary 
corps for the occupation of the Regency. In the spring of 1881 




the Kroumir tribe was reported to have attacked a French force 
on the Algerian border, and on the 9th of April Roustan informed 
the bey of Tunis that France would chastise the assailants. 
The bey issued futile protests to the powers. On the 26th of 
April the island of Tabarca was occupied by the French, Bizerta 
was seized on the 2nd of May, and on the 1 2th of May the bey 
signed the treaty of Bardo accepting the French protectorate. 
France undertook . the maintenance of order in the Regency, 
and assumed the representation of Tunisia in all dealings with 
other countries. 

Italian indignation at the French coup de main was the 
deeper on account of the apparent duplicity of the government 
of the Republic. On the nth of May the French foreign 
minister, Barth616my Saint Hilaire, had officially assured the 
Italian ambassador in Paris that France " had no thought of 
occupying Tunisia or any part of Tunisian territory, beyond 
some points of the Kroumir country." This assurance, dictated 
by Jules Ferry to Barthelemy Saint Hilaire in the presence of 
the Italian ambassador, and by him telegraphed en clair to Rome, 
was considered a binding pledge that France would not materially 
alter the status quo in Tunisia. Documents subsequently published 
have somewhat attenuated the responsibility of Ferry and 
Saint Hilaire for this breach of faith, and have shown that the 
French forces in Tunisia acted upon secret instructions from 
General Farre, minister of war in the Ferry cabinet, who pursued 
a policy diametrically opposed to the official declarations made 
by the premier and the foreign minister. Even had this circum- 
stance been known at the time, it could scarcely have mitigated 
the intense resentment of the whole Italian nation at an event 
which was considered tantamount not only to the destruction 
of Italian aspirations to Tunisia, but to the ruin of the interests 
of the numerous Italian colony and to a constant menace against 
the security of the Sicilian and south Italian coasts. 

Had the blow thus struck at Italian influence in the Mediter- 
ranean induced politicians to sink for a while their personal 
differences and to unite in presenting a firm front to foreign 
nations, the crisis in regard to Tunisia might not have been 
wholly unproductive of good. Unfortunately, on this, as on 
other critical occasions, deputies proved themselves incapable of 
common effort to promote general welfare. While excitement 
over Tunisia was at its height, but before the situation was 
irretrievably compromised to the disadvantage of Italy, Cairoli 
had been compelled to resign by a vote of want of confidence in 
the Chamber. The only politician capable of dealing adequately 
with the situation was Sella, leader of the Right, and to him the 
crown appealed. The faction leaders of the Left, though divided 
by personal jealousies and mutually incompatible ambitions, 
agreed that the worst evil which could befall Italy would be the 
return of the Right to power, and conspired to preclude the 
possibility of a Sella cabinet. An attempt by Depretis to re- 
compose the Cairoli ministry proved fruitless, and after eleven 
precious days had been lost, King Humbert was obliged, on the 
19th of April 1881, to refuse Cairoli's resignation. The conclusion 
of the treaty of Bardo on the 12th of May, however, compelled 
Cairoli to sacrifice himself to popular indignation. Again Sella 
was called upon, but again the dog-in-the-manger policy of 
Depretis, Cairoli, Nicotera and Baccarini, in conjunction with 
the intolerant attitude of some extreme Conservatives, proved 
fatal to his endeavours. Depretis then succeeded in recomposing 
the Cairoli cabinet without Cairoli, Mancini being placed at the 
foreign office. Except in regard to an increase of the army 
estimates, urgently demanded by public opinion, the new 
ministry had practically no programme. Public opinion was 
further irritated against France by the massacre of some Italian 
workmen at Marseilles on the occasion of the return of the 
French expedition from Tunisia, and Depretis, in response to 
public feeling, found himself obliged to mobilize a part of the 
militia for military exercises. In this condition of home and 
foreign affairs occurred disorders at Rome in connexion with the 
transfer of the remains of Pius IX. from St Peter's to the basilica 
of San Lorenzo. Most of the responsibility lay with the Vatican, 
which had arranged the procession in the way best calculated to 

irritate Italian feeling, but little excuse can be offered for the 
failure of the Italian authorities to maintain public order. In 
conjunction with the occupation of Tunisia, the effect of these 
disorders was to exhibit Italy as a country powerless to defend 
its interests abroad or to keep peace at home. The scandal and 
the pressure of foreign Catholic opinion compelled Depretis to 
pursue a more energetic policy, and to publish a formal declaration 
of the intangibility of the Law of Guarantees. 

Meanwhile a conviction was spreading that the only way of 
escape from the dangerous isolation of Italy lay in closer agree- 
ment with Austria and Germany. Depretis tardily 
recognized the need for such agreement, if only to ^T >w ^°} 
remove the " coldness and invincible diffidence " which, Alliance. 
by subsequent confession of Mancini, then characterized 
the attitude of the central powers; but he was opposed to any 
formal alliance, lest it might arouse French resentment, while the 
new Franco-Italian treaty was still unconcluded, and the foreign 
loan for the abolition of the forced currency had still to be 
floated. He, indeed, was not disposed to concede to public 
opinion anything beyond an increase of the army, a measure 
insistently demanded by Garibaldi and the Left. The Right like- 
wise desired to strengthen both army and navy, but advocated 
cordial relations with Berlin and Vienna as a guarantee against 
French domineering, and as a pledge that Italy would be vouch- 
safed time to effect her armaments without disturbing financial 
equilibrium. The Right also hoped that closer accord with 
Germany and Austria would compel Italy to conform her home 
policy more nearly to the principles of order prevailing in 
those empires. More resolute than Right or Left was the 
Centre, a small group led by Sidney Sonnino, a young 
politician of unusual fibre, which sought in the press and in 
parliament to spread a conviction that the only sound basis for 
Italian policy would be close alliance with the central powers and 
a friendly understanding with Great Britain in regard to Mediter- 
ranean affairs. The principal Italian public men were divided in 
opinion on the subject of an alliance. Peruzzi, Lanza and 
Bonghi pleaded for equal friendship with all powers, and 
especially with France; Crispi, Minghetti, Cadorna and others, 
including Blanc, secretary-general to the foreign office, openly 
favoured a pro-Austrian policy. Austria and Germany, however, 
scarcely reciprocated these dispositions. The Irredentist agita- 
tion had left profound traces at Berlin as well as at Vienna, and 
had given rise to a distrust of Depretis which nothing had yet 
occurred to allay. Nor, in view of the comparative weakness of 
Italian armaments, could eagerness to find an ally be deemed 
conclusive proof of the value of Italian friendship. Count di 
Robilant, Italian ambassador at Vienna, warned his government 
not to yield too readily to pro-Austrian pressure, lest the dignity 
of Italy be compromised, or her desire for an alliance be granted 
on onerous terms. Mancini, foreign minister, who was as anxious 
as Depretis for the conclusion of the Franco-Italian commercial 
treaty, gladly followed this advice, and limited his efforts to the 
maintenance of correct diplomatic relations with the central 
powers. Except in regard to the Roman question, the advantages 
and disadvantages of an Italian alliance with Austria and 
Germany counterbalanced each other. A rapprochement with 
France and a continuance of the Irredentist movement could not 
fail to arouse Austro-German hostility; but, on the other hand, 
to draw near to the central powers would inevitably accentuate 
the diffidence of France. In the one hypothesis, as in the other, 
Italy could count upon the moral support of Great Britain, but 
could not make of British friendship the keystone of a Continental 
policy. Apart from resentment against France on account of 
Tunisia there remained the question of the temporal power of the 
pope to turn the scale in favour of Austria and Germany. Danger 
of foreign interference in the relations between Italy and the papacy 
had never been so great since the Italian occupation of Rome, as 
when, in the summer of i88i,the disorders during the transfer of 
the remains of Pius IX. had lent an unwonted ring of plausibility 
to the papal complaint concerning the " miserable " position of 
the Holy See. Bismarck at that moment had entered upon his 
I " pilgrimage to Canossa," and was anxious to obtain from the 




Vatican the support of German Catholics. What resistance 
could Italy have offered had the German chancellor, seconded by 
Austria, and assuredly supported by France, called upon Italy to 
revise the Law of Guarantees in conformity with Catholic 
exigencies, or had he taken the initiative of making papal in- 
dependence the subject of an international conference? Friend- 
ship and alliance with Catholic Austria and powerful Germany 
could alone lay this spectre. This was the only immediate 
advantage Italy could hope to obtain by drawing nearer the 
central Powers. 

The political conditions of Europe favoured the realization 
of Italian desires. Growing rivalry between Austria and Russia 
in the Balkans rendered the continuance of the " League of the 
Three Emperors " a practical impossibility. The Austro- 
German alliance of 1879 formally guaranteed the territory of 
the contracting parties, but Austria could not count upon 
effectual help from Germany in case of war, since Russian attack 
upon Austria would certainly have been followed by French 
attack upon Germany. As in 1869-1870, it therefore became a 
matter of the highest importance for Austria to retain full 
disposal of all her troops by assuring herself against Italian 
aggression. The tsar, Alexander III., under the impression of 
the assassination of his father, desired, however, the renewal 
of the Dreikaiserbund, both as a guarantee of European peace 
and as a conservative league against revolutionary parties. 
The German emperor shared this desire, but Bismarck and the 
Austrian emperor wished to substitute for the imperial league 
some more advantageous combination. Hence a tacit under- 
standing between Bismarck and Austria that the latter should 
profit by Italian resentment against France to draw Italy into 
the orbit of the Austro-German alliance. For the moment 
Germany was to hold aloof lest any active initiative on her part 
should displease the Vatican, of whose help Bismarck stood 
in need. 

At the beginning of August 1881 the Austrian press mooted the 
idea of a visit from King Humbert to the emperor Francis 
Joseph. Count di Robilant, anxious that Italy should not seem 
to beg a smile from the central Powers, advised Mancini to receive 
with caution the suggestions of the Austrian press. Depretis 
took occasion to deny, in a form scarcely courteous, the prob- 
ability of the visit. Robilant's opposition to a precipitate 
acceptance of the Austrian hint was founded upon fear lest King 
Humbert at Vienna might be pressed to disavow Irredentist 
aspirations, and upon a desire to arrange for a visit of the emperor 
Francis Joseph to Rome in return for King Humbert's visit to 
Vienna. Seeing the hesitation of the Italian government, the 
Austrian and German semi-official press redoubled their efforts 
to bring about the visit. By the end of September the idea 
had gained such ground in Italy that the visit was practically 
settled, and on the 7th of October Mancini informed Robilant 
(who was then in Italy) of the fact. Though he considered 
such precipitation impolitic, Robilant, finding that confidential 
information of Italian intentions had already been conveyed 
to the Austrian government, sought an interview with King 
Humbert, and on the 17th of October started for Vienna to settle 
the conditions of the visit. Depretis, fearing to jeopardize the 
impending conclusion of the Franco-Italian commercial treaty, 
would have preferred the visit to take the form of an act of 
personal courtesy between sovereigns. The Austrian government, 
for its part, desired that the king should be accompanied by 
Depretis, though not by Mancini, lest the presence of the Italian 
foreign minister should lend to the occasion too marked a political 
character. Mancini, unable to brook exclusion, insisted, how- 
ever, upon accompanying the king. King Humbert with 
Queen Margherita reached Vienna on the morning of the 27th 
of October, and stayed at the Hofburg until the 31st of October. 
The visit was marked by the greatest cordiality, Count Robilant's 
fears of inopportune pressure with regard to Irredentism 
proving groundless. Both in Germany and Austria the visit 
was construed as a preliminary to the adhesion of Italy to the 
Austro-German alliance. Count Hatzfeldt, on behalf of the 
German Foreign Office, informed the Italian ambassador in 

Berlin that whatever was done at Vienna would be regarded as 
having been done in the German capital. Nor did nascent 
irritation in France prevent the conclusion of the Franco-Italian 
commercial treaty, which was signed at Paris on the 3rd of 

In Italy public opinion as a whole was favourable to the visit, 
especially as it was not considered an obstacle to the projected 
increase of the army and navy. Doubts, however, soon sprang up 
as to its effect upon the minds of Austrian statesmen, since on 
the 8th of November the language employed by Kallay and Count 
Andrassy to the Hungarian delegations on the subject of 
Irredentism was scarcely calculated to soothe Italian suscepti- 
bilities. But on 9th November the European situation was 
suddenly modified by the formation of the Gambetta cabinet, 
and, in view of the policy of revenge with which Gambetta was 
supposed to be identified, it became imperative for Bismarck to 
assure himself that Italy would not be enticed into a Francophil 
attitude by any concession Gambetta might offer. As usual 
when dealing with weaker nations, the German chancellor re- 
sorted to intimidation. He not only re-established the Prussian 
legation to the Vatican, suppressed since 1874, and omitted 
from the imperial message to the Reichstag (17th November 
i88r) all reference to King Humbert's visit to Vienna, but took 
occasion on the 29th of November to refer to Italy as a country 
tottering on the verge of revolution, and opened in the German 
semi-official press a campaign in favour of an international 
guarantee for the independence of the papacy. These manoeuvres 
produced their effect upon Italian public opinion. In the long 
and important debate upon foreign policy in the Italian Chamber 
of Deputies (6th to 9th December) the fear was repeatedly 
expressed lest Bismarck should seek to purchase the support 
of German Catholics by raising the Roman question. Mancini, 
still unwilling frankly to adhere to the Austro-German alliance, 
found his policy of " friendship all round "impeded by Gambetta's 
uncompromising attitude in regard to Tunisia. Bismarck never- 
theless continued his press campaign in favour of the temporal 
power until, reassured by Gambetta's decision to send Roustan 
back to Tunis to complete as minister the anti-Italian programme 
begun as consul, he finally instructed his organs to emphasize 
the common interests of Germany and Italy on the occasion of 
the opening of the St Gothard tunnel. But the effect of the 
German press campaign could not be effaced in a day. At 
the new year's reception of deputies King Humbert aroused 
enthusiasm by a significant remark that Italy intended to remain 
" mistress in her own house "; while Mancini addressed to Count 
de Launay, Italian ambassador in Berlin, a haughty despatch, 
repudiating the supposition that the pope might (as Bismarckian 
emissaries had suggested to the Vatican) obtain abroad greater 
spiritual liberty than in Rome, or that closer relations between 
Italy and Germany, such as were required by the interests and 
aspirations of the two countries, could be made in any way 
contingent upon a modification of Italian freedom of action in 
regard to home affairs. 

The sudden fall of Gambetta (26th January 1882) having 
removed the fear of immediate European complications, the 
cabinets of Berlin and Vienna again displayed diffidence towards 
Italy. So great was Bismarck's distrust of Italian parliamentary 
instability, his doubts of Italian capacity for offensive warfare 
and his fear of the Francophil tendencies of Depretis, that for 
many weeks the Italian ambassador at Berlin was unable to 
obtain audience of the chancellor. But for the Tunisian question 
Italy might again have been drawn into the wake of France. 
Mancini tried to impede the organization of French rule in the 
Regency by refusing to recognize the treaty of Bardo, yet so 
careless was Bismarck of Italian susceptibilities that he in- 
structed the German consul at Tunis to recognize French decrees. 
Partly under the influence of these circumstances, and partly 
in response to persuasion by Baron Blanc, secretary-general 
for foreign affairs, Mancini instructed Count di Robilant to open 
negotiations for an Italo-Austrian alliance — instructions whka. 
Robilant neglected until questioned by Count Kalnoky on the sub- 
ject. The first exchange of ideas between the two Governments; 




proved fruitless, since Kalnoky, somewhat Clerical-minded, 
was averse from guaranteeing the integrity of all Italian 
territory, and Mancini was equally unwilling to guarantee to 
Austria permanent possession of Trent and Trieste. Mancini, 
moreover, wished the treaty of alliance to provide for reciprocal 
protection of the chief interests of the contracting Powers, 
Italy undertaking to second Austria-Hungary in the Balkans, 
and Austria and Germany pledging themselves to support 
Italy in Mediterranean questions. Without some such proviso 
Italy would, in Mancini's opinion, be exposed single-handed 
to French resentment. At the request of Kalnoky, Mancini 
defined his proposal in a memorandum, but the illness of himself 
and Depretis, combined with an untoward discussion in the 
Italian press on the failure of the Austrian emperor to return in 
Rome King Humbert's visit to Vienna, caused negotiations to 
drag. The pope, it transpired, had refused to receive the 
emperor if he came to Rome on a visit to the Quirinal, and 
Francis Joseph, though anxious to return King Humbert's 
visit, was unable to offend the feelings of his Catholic subjects. 
Meanwhile (nth May 1882) the Italian parliament adopted the 
new Army Bill, involving a special credit of £5,100,000 for the 
creation of two new army corps, by which the war footing of the 
regular army was raised to nearly 850,000 men and the ordinary 
military estimates to £8,000,000 per annum. Garibaldi, who, 
since the French occupation of Tunis, had ardently worked for 
the increase of the army, had thus the satisfaction of seeing his 
desire realized before his death at Caprera, on the 2nd 
aaribaidi. °^ J une 1882. " In spirit a child, in character a man 
of classic mould," Garibaldi had remained the nation's 
idol, an almost legendary hero whose place none could aspire 
to fill. Gratitude for his achievements and sorrow for his death 
found expression in universal mourning wherein king and 
peasant equally joined. Before his death, and almost con- 
temporaneously with the passing of the Army Bill, negotiations 
for the alliance were renewed. Encouraged from Berlin, Kalnoky 
agreed to the reciprocal territorial guarantee, but declined 
reciprocity in support of special interests. Mancini had therefore 
to be content with a declaration that the allies would act in 
mutually friendly intelligence. Depretis made some opposition, 
but finally acquiesced, and the treaty of triple alliance was signed 
on the 20th of May 1882, five days after the promulgation of 
the Franco-Italian commercial treaty in Paris. Though partial 
signature revelations have been made, the exact tenor of the 
of the treaty of triple alliance has never been divulged. 

Treaty, It is known to have been concluded for a period of 
1882. g ve y earSj t0 -have pledged the contracting parties 

to join in resisting attack upon the territory of any one of them, 
and to have specified the military disposition to be adopted by 
each in case attack should come either from France, or from 
Russia, or from both simultaneously. The Italian General 
Staff is said to have undertaken, in the event of war against 
France, to operate with two armies on the north-western frontier 
against the French armee des Alpes, of which the war strength is 
about 250,000 men. A third Italian army would, if expedient, 
pass into Germany, to operate against either France or Russia. 
Austria undertook to guard the Adriatic on land and sea, and 
to help Germany by checkmating Russia on land. Germany 
would be sufficiently employed in carrying on war against two 
fronts. Kalnoky desired that both the terms of the treaty and 
che fact of its conclusion should remain secret, but Bismarck 
and Mancini hastened to hint at its existence, the former in the 
Reichstag on the 12th of June 1882, and the latter in the Italian 
semi-official press. A revival of Irredentism in connexion with 
the execution of an Austrian deserter named Oberdank, who 
after escaping into Italy endeavoured to return to Austria with 
explosive bombs in his possession, and the cordial references to 
France made by Depretis at Stradella (8th October 1882), 
prevented the French government from suspecting the existence 
of the alliance, or from ceasing to strive after a Franco-Italian 
understanding. Suspicion was not aroused until March 1883, 
when Mancini, in defending himself against strictures upon his 
refusal to co-operate with Great Britain in Egypt, practically 

revealed the existence of the treaty, thereby irritating France 
and destroying Depretis's secret hope of finding in the triple 
alliance the advantage of an Austro-German guarantee without 
the disadvantage of French enmity. In Italy the revelation 
of the treaty was hailed with satisfaction except by the Clericals, 
who were enraged at the blow thus struck at the restoration 
of the pope's temporal power, and by the Radicals, who feared 
both the inevitable breach with republican France and the 
reinforcement of Italian constitutional parties by intimacy 
with strong monarchical states such as Germany and Austria. 
These very considerations naturally combined to recommend 
the fact to constitutionalists, who saw in it, besides the territorial 
guarantee, the elimination of the danger of foreign interference 
in the relations between Italy and the Vatican, such as Bismarck 
had recently threatened and such as France was believed ready 
to propose. 

Nevertheless, during its first period (1882-1887) the triple 
alliance failed to ensure cordiality between the contracting 
Powers. Mancini exerted himself in a hundred ways to soothe 
French resentment. He not only refused to join Great Britain 
in the Egyptian expedition, but agreed to suspend Italian 
consular jurisdiction in Tunis, and deprecated suspicion of 
French designs upon Morocco. His efforts were worse than 
futile. France remained cold, while Bismarck and Kalnoky, 
distrustful of the Radicalism of Depretis and Mancini, assumed 
towards their ally an attitude almost hostile. Possibly Germany 
and Austria may have been influenced by the secret treaty signed 
between Austria, Germany and Russia on the 21st of March 
1884, and ratified during the meeting of the three emperors at 
Skierniewice in September of that year, by which Bismarck, in 
return for " honest brokerage " in the Balkans, is understood 
to have obtained from Austria and Russia a promise of bene- 
volent neutrality in case Germany should be " forced " to make 
war upon a fourth power — France. Guaranteed thus against 
Russian attack, Italy became in the eyes of the central powers 
a negligible quantity, and was treated accordingly. Though 
kept in the dark as to the Skierniewice arrangement, the Italian 
government soon discovered from the course of events that the 
triple alliance had practically lost its object, European peace 
having been assured without Italian co-operation. Meanwhile 
France provided Italy with fresh cause for uneasiness by abating 
her hostility to Germany. Italy in consequence drew nearer 
to Great Britain, and at the London conference on the Egyptian 
financial question sided with Great Britain against Austria and 
Germany. At the same time negotiations took place with 
Great Britain for an Italian occupation of Massawa, and Mancini, 
dreaming of a vast Anglo-Italian enterprise against the Mahdi, 
expatiated in the spring of 1885 upon the glories of an Anglo- 
Italian alliance, an indiscretion which drew upon him a scarcely- 
veiled dementi from London. Again speaking in the Chamber, 
Mancini claimed for Italy the principal merit in the conclusion 
of the triple alliance, but declared that the alliance left Italy 
full liberty of action in regard to interests outside its scope, 
" especially as there was no possibility of obtaining protection 
for such interests from those who by the alliance had not under- 
taken to protect them." These words, which revealed the 
absence of any stipulation in regard to the protection of Italian 
interests in the Mediterranean, created lively dissatisfaction in 
Italy and corresponding satisfaction in France. They hastened 
Mancini's downfall (17th June 1885), and prepared the advent 
of count di Robilant, who three months later succeeded Mancini 
at the Italian Foreign Office. Robilant, for whom the Skiernie- 
wice pact was no secret, followed a firmly independent policy 
throughout the Bulgarian crisis of 1885-1886, declining to be 
drawn into any action beyond that required by the treaty of 
Berlin and the protection of Italian interests in the Balkans. 
Italy, indeed, came out of the Eastern crisis with enhanced 
prestige and with her relations to Austria greatly improved. 
Towards Prince Bismarck Robilant maintained an attitude 
of dignified independence, and as, in the spring of 1886, the 
moment for the renewal of the triple alliance drew near, he 
profited by the development of the Bulgarian crisis and the 





threatened Franco-Russian understanding to secure from the 
central powers " something more " than the bare territorial 
guarantee of the original treaty. This " something more " 
consisted, at least in part, of the arrangement, with the help of 
Austria and Germany, of an Anglo-Italian naval understanding 
having special reference to the Eastern question, but providing 
for common action by the British and Italian fleets in the 
Mediterranean in case of war. A vote of the Italian Chamber on 
the 4th of February 1887, in connexion with the disaster to Italian 
troops at Dogali, in Abyssinia, brought about the resignation 
of the Depretis-Robilant cabinet. The crisis dragged for three 
months, and before its definitive solution by the formation of a 
Depretis-Crispi ministry, Robilant succeeded (17th March 1887) 
in renewing the triple alliance on terms more favourable to 
First re- Italy than those obtained in 1882. Not only did he 
newaiot secure concessions from Austria and Germany corre- 
the Triple sponding in some degree to the improved state of the 
Alliance. Italian army and navy, but, in virtue of the Anglo- 
Italian understanding, assured the practical adhesion of Great 
Britain to the European policy of the central powers, a triumph 
probably greater than any registered by Italian diplomacy 
since the completion of national unity. 

The period between May 1881 and July 1887 occupied, in the 
region of foreign affairs, by the negotiation, conclusion and 
renewal of the triple alliance, by the Bulgarian crisis 
and by the dawn of an Italian colonial policy, was 
marked at home by urgent political and economic 
problems, and by the parliamentary phenomena known as 
trasformismo. On the 29th of June 1881 the Chamber adopted a 
Franchise Reform Bill, which increased the electorate from 
600,000 to 2,000,000 by lowering the fiscal qualification from 
40 to 19-80 lire in direct taxation, and by extending the suffrage 
to all persons who had passed through the two lower standards 
of the elementary schools, and practically to all persons able 
to read and write. The immediate result of the reform was to 
increase the political influence of large cities where the proportion 
of illiterate workmen was lower than in the country districts, 
and to exclude from the franchise numbers of peasants and small 
proprietors who, though of more conservative temperament 
and of better economic position than the artizan population of 
the large towns, were often unable to fulfil the scholarship 
qualification. On the 12th of April 1883 the forced currency was 
formally abolished by the resumption of treasury payments 
in gold with funds obtained through a loan of £14,500,000 issued 
in London on the 5th of May 1882. Owing to the hostility of 
the French market, the loan was covered with difficulty, and, 
though the gold premium fell and commercial exchanges were 
temporarily facilitated by the resumption of cash payments, 
it is doubtful whether these advantages made up for the burden of 
£640,000 additional annual interest thrown upon the exchequer. 
On the 6th of March 1885 parliament finally sanctioned the 
conventions by which state railways were farmed out to three 
private companies — the Mediterranean, Adriatic and Sicilian. 
The railways redeemed in 1875-1876 had been worked in the 
interval by the government at a heavy loss. A commission of 
inquiry reported in favour of private management. The conven- 
tions, concluded for a period of sixty years, but terminable by 
either party after twenty or forty years, retained for the state 
the possession of the lines (except the southern railway, viz. 
the line from Bologna to Brindisi belonging to the Societa 
Meridionale to whom the Adriatic lines were now farmed), but 
sold rolling stock to the companies, arranged various schedules 
of state subsidy for lines projected or in course of construction, 
guaranteed interest on the bonds of the companies and arranged 
for the division of revenue between the companies, the reserve 
fund and the state. National control of the railways was secured 
by a proviso that the directors must be of Italian nationality. 
Depretis and his colleague Genala, minister of public works, 
experienced great difficulty in securing parliamentary sanction for 
the conventions, not so much on account of their defective 
character, as from the opposition of local interests anxious to 
extort new lines from the government. In fact, the conventions 


were only voted by a majority of twenty-three votes after the 
government had undertaken to increase the length of new state- 
built lines from 1500 to 2500 kilometres. Unfortun- 
ately, the calculation of probable railway revenue on The rail- 

which the conventions had been based proved to be way \? 0B " 
. it-. 1 i n/ ventions. 

enormously exaggerated. I 1 or many years the 375% 

of the gross revenue (less the cost of maintaining the rolling 
stock, incumbent on the state) scarcely sufficed to pay the 
interest on debts incurred for railway construction and on 
the guaranteed bonds. Gradually the increase of traffic con- 
sequent upon the industrial development of Italy decreased 
the annual losses of the state, but the position of the government 
in regard to the railways still remained so unsatisfactory as to 
render the resumption of the whole system by the state on the 
expiration of the first period of twenty years in 1905 inevitable. 
Intimately bound up with the forced currency, the railway 
conventions and public works was the financial question in 
general. From 1876, when equilibrium between 
expenditure and revenue had first been attained, 
taxation yielded steady annual surpluses, which in 1881 reached 
the satisfactory level of £2,120,000. The gradual abolition of 
the grist tax on minor cereals diminished the surplus in 1882 
to £236,000, and in 1883 to £110,000, while the total repeal of the 
grist tax on wheat, which took effect on the 1st of January 1884, 
coincided with the opening of a new and disastrous period of 
deficit. True, the repeal of the grist tax was not the 
only, nor possibly even the principal, cause of the deficit. 
The policy of " fiscal transformation " inaugurated by the 
Left increased revenue from indirect taxation from £17,000,000 
in 1876 to more than £24,000,000 in 1887, by substituting 
heavy corn duties for the grist tax, and by raising the 
sugar and petroleum duties to unprecedented levels. But 
partly from lack of firm financial administration, partly 
through the increase of military and naval expenditure (which 
in 1887 amounted to £9,000,000 for the army, while special 
efforts were made to strengthen the navy), and principally 
through the constant drain of railway construction and public 
works, the demands upon the exchequer grew largely to exceed 
the normal increase of revenue, and necessitated the contraction 
of new debts. In their anxiety to remain in office Depretis and 
the finance minister, Magliani, never hesitated to mortgage 
the financial future of their country. No concession could be 
denied to deputies, or groups of deputies, whose support was 
indispensable to the life of the cabinet, nor, under such conditions, 
was it possible to place any effective check upon administrative 
abuses in which politicians or their electors were interested. 
Railways, roads and harbours which contractors had undertaken 
to construct for reasonable amounts were frequently made to 
cost thrice the original estimates. Minghetti, in a trenchant 
exposure of the parliamentary condition of Italy during this 
period, cites a case in which a credit for certain public works 
was, during a debate in the Chamber, increased by the govern- 
ment from £6,600,000 to £9,000,000 in order to conciliate local 
political interests. In the spring of 1887 Genala, minister of 
public works, was taken to task for having sanctioned expenditure 
of £80,000,000 on railway construction while only £40,000,000 
had been included in the estimates. As most of these credits 
were spread over a series of years, succeeding administrations 
found their financial liberty of action destroyed, and were 
obliged to cover deficit by constant issues of consolidated stock. 
Thus the deficit of £940,000 for the financial year 1885-1886 
rose to nearly £2,920,000 in 1887-1888, and in 1888-1889 
attained the terrible level of £9,400,000. 

Nevertheless, in spite of many and serious shortcomings, 
the long series of Depretis administrations was marked by the 
adoption of some useful measures. Besides the realization of 
the formal programme of the Left, consisting of the repeal of 
the grist tax, the abolition of the forced currency, the extension 
of the suffrage and the development of the railway system, 
Depretis laid the foundation for land tax re-assessment by intro- 
ducing a new cadastral survey. Unfortunately, the new survey 
was made largely optional, so that provinces which had reason 



[1870- 1902 

to hope for a diminution of land tax under a revised assessment 
hastened to complete their survey, while others, in which the 
average of the land tax was below a normal assessment, 
neglected to comply with the provisions of the scheme. An 
important undertaking, known as the Agricultural Inquiry, 
brought to light vast quantities of information valuable for 
future agrarian legislation. The year 1885 saw the introduction 
and adoption of a measure embodying the principle of employers' 
liability for accidents to workmen, a principle subsequently 
extended and more equitably defined in the spring of 1899. 
An effort to encourage the development of the mercantile marine 
was made in the same year, and a convention was concluded 
with the chief lines of passenger steamers to retain their fastest 
vessels as auxiliaries to the fleet in case of war. Sanitation and 
public hygiene received a potent impulse from the cholera 
epidemic of 1884, many of the unhealthiest quarters in Naples 
and other cities being demolished and rebuilt, with funds chiefly 
furnished by the state. The movement was strongly supported 
by King Humbert, whose intrepidity in visiting the most 
dangerous spots at Busca and Naples while the epidemic was 
at its height, reassuring the panic-stricken inhabitants by his 
presence, excited the enthusiasm of his people and the admiration 
of Europe. 

During the accomplishment of these and other reforms the 
condition of parliament underwent profound change. By degrees 
the administrations of the Left had ceased to rely 
mismo." sc, l e ly upon the Liberal sections of the Chamber, and 
had carried their most important bills with the help 
of the Right. This process of transformation was not exclusively 
the work of Depretis, but had been initiated as early as 1873, 
when a portion of the Right under Minghetti had, by joining 
the Left, overturned the Lanza-Sella cabinet. In 1876 Minghetti 
himself had fallen a victim to a similar defection of Conservative 
deputies. The practical annihilation of the old Right in the 
elections of 1876 opened a new parliamentary era. Reduced in 
number to less than one hundred, and radically changed in spirit 
and composition, the Right gave way, if not to despair, at least 
to a despondency unsuited to an opposition party. Though on 
more than one occasion personal rancour against the men of 
the Moderate Left prevented the Right from following Sella's 
advice and regaining, by timely coalition with cognate parlia- 
mentary elements, a portion of its former influence, the bulk of 
the party, with singular inconsistency, drew nearer and nearer 
to the Liberal cabinets. The process was accelerated by Sella's 
illness and death (14th March 1884), an event which cast profound 
discouragement over the more thoughtful of the Conservatives 
and Moderate Liberals, by whom Sella had been regarded as a 
supreme political reserve, as a statesman whose experienced 
vigour and patriotic sagacity might have been trusted to lift 
Italy from any depth of folly or misfortune. By a strange 
anomaly the Radical measures brought forward by the Left 
diminished instead of increasing the distance between it and the 
Conservatives. Numerically insufficient to reject such measures, 
and lacking the fibre and the cohesion necessary for the pursuance 
of a far-sighted policy, the Right thought prudent not to employ 
its strength in uncompromising opposition, but rather, by sup- 
porting the government, to endeavour to modify Radical legisla- 
tion in a Conservative sense. In every case the calculation proved 
fallacious. Radical measures were passed unmodified, and the 
Right was compelled sadly to accept the accomplished fact. 
Thus it was with the abolition of the grist tax, the reform of the 
suffrage, the railway conventions and many other bills. When, 
in course of time, the extended suffrage increased the Republican 
and Extreme Radical elements in the Chamber, and the Liberal 
" Pentarchy " (composed of Crispi, Cairoli, Nicotera, Zanardelli 
and Baccarini) assumed an attitude of bitter hostility to Depretis, 
the Right, obeying the impulse of Minghetti, rallied openly 
to Depretis, lending him aid without which his prolonged term 
of office would have been impossible. The result was parlia- 
mentary chaos, baptized trasformismo. In May 1883 this process 
received official recognition by the elimination of the Radicals 
Zanardelli and Baccarini from the Depretis cabinet, while in 

the course of 1884 a Conservative, Signor Biancheri, was elected 
to the presidency of the Chamber, and another Conservative, 
General Ricotti, appointed to the War Office. Though Depretis, 
at the end of his life in 1887, showed signs of repenting of the 
confusion thus created, he had established a parliamentary 
system destined largely to sterilize and vitiate the political life 
of Italy. 

Contemporaneously with the vicissitudes of home and foreign 
policy under the Left there grew up in Italy a marked tendency 
towards colonial enterprise. The tendency itself dated 
from 1869, when a congress of the Italian chambers of po ucy. 
commerce at Genoa had urged the Lanza cabinet to 
establish a commercial depot on the Red Sea. On the nth of 
March 1870 an Italian shipper, Signor Rubattino, had bought the 
bay of Assab, with the neighbouring island of Darmakieh, from 
Beheran, sultan of Raheita, for £1880, the funds being furnished 
by the government. The Egyptian government being unwilling 
to recognize the sovereignty of Beheran over Assab or his right 
to sell territory to a foreign power, Visconti-Venosta thought it 
opportune not then to occupy Assab. No further step was taken 
until, at the end of 1879, Rubattino prepared to establish a 
commercial station at Assab. The British government made 
inquiry as to his intentions, and on the 19th of April 1880 
received a formal undertaking from Cairoli that Assab would 
never be fortified nor be made a military establishment. Mean- 
while (January 1880) stores and materials were landed, and Assab 
was permanently occupied. Eighteen months later a party of 
Italian sailors and explorers under Lieutenant. Biglieri and 
Signor Giulietti were massacred in Egyptian territory. Egypt, 
however, refused to make thorough inquiry into the massacre, 
and was only prevented from occupying Raheita and coming into 
conflict with Italy by the good offices of Lord Granville, who 
dissuaded the Egyptian government from enforcing its sove- 
reignty. On the 20th of September 1881 Beheran formally 
accepted Italian protection, and in the following February an 
Anglo-Italian convention established the Italian title to Assab 
on condition that Italy should formally recognise the suzerainty 
of the Porte and of the khedive over the Red Sea coast, and 
should prevent the transport of arms and munitions of war 
through the territory of Assab. This convention was never 
recognized by the Porte nor by the Egyptian government. A 
month later ( 1 oth March 1882) Rubattino made over his establish- 
ment to the Italian government, and on the 12th of June the 
Chamber adopted a bill constituting Assab an Italian crown 

Within four weeks of the adoption of this bill the bombardment 
of Alexandria by the British fleet (nth July 1882) opened an 
era destined profoundly to affect the colonial position of 
Italy. The revolt of Arabi Pasha (September 1881) ™ e mn 
had led to the meeting of an ambassadorial conference Question. 
at Constantinople, promoted by Mancini, Italian 
minister for foreign affairs, in the hope of preventing European 
intervention in Egypt and the permanent establishment of an 
Anglo-French condominium to the detriment of Italian influence. 
At the opening of the conference (23rd June 1882) Italy secured 
the signature of a self-denying protocol whereby all the great 
powers undertook to avoid isolated action; but the rapid develop- 
ment of the crisis in Egypt, and the refusal of France to co- 
operate with Great Britain in the restoration of order, necessitated 
vigorous action by the latter alone, In view of the French 
refusal, Lord Granville on the 27th of July invited Italy to join 
in restoring order in Egypt; but Mancini and Depretis, in 
spite of the efforts of Crispi, then in London, declined the 
offer. Financial considerations, lack of proper transports for an 
expeditionary corps, fear of displeasing France, dislike of a 
" policy of adventure," misplaced deference towards the ambassa- 
dorial conference in Constantinople, and unwillingness to thwart 
the current of Italian sentiment in favour of the Egyptian 
" nationalists," were the chief motives of the Italian refusal, 
which had the effect of somewhat estranging Great Britain and 
Italy. Anglo-Italian relations, however, regained their normal 
cordiality two years later, and found expression in the support 




lent by Italy to the British proposal at the London conference on 
the Egyptian question (July 1884). About the same time 
Mancini was informed by the Italian agent in Cairo that Great 
Britain would be well disposed towards an extension of Italian 
influence on the Red Sea coast. Having sounded Lord Granville, 
Mancini received encouragement to seize Beilul and Massawa, 
in view of the projected restriction of the Egyptian zone of 
military occupation consequent on the Mahdist rising in the 
Sudan. Lord Granville further inquired whether Italy would 
co-operate in pacifying the Sudan, and received an affirmative 
reply. Italian action was hastened by news that, in December 
1884, an exploring party under Signor Bianchi, royal com- 
missioner for Assab, had been massacred in the Aussa (Danakil) 
country, an event which aroused in Italy a desire to punish the 
assassins and to obtain satisfaction for the still unpunished 
massacre of Signor Giulietti and his companions. Partly to 
satisfy public opinion, partly in order to profit by the favourable 
disposition of the British government, and partly in the hope of 
remedying the error committed in 1882 by refusal to co-operate 
with Great Britain in Egypt, the Italian government in January 
1885 despatched an expedition under Admiral Caimi and Colonel 
Saletta to occupy Massawa and Beilul. The occupation, effected 
on the 5th of February, was accelerated by fear lest Italy might 
be forestalled by France or Russia, both of which powers were 
suspected of desiring to establish themselves firmly on the Red 
Sea and to exercise a protectorate over Abyssinia. News of the 
occupation reached Europe simultaneously with the tidings of the 
fall of Khartum, an event which disappointed Italian hopes of 
military co-operation with Great Britain in the Sudan. The 
resignation of the Gladstone-Granville cabinet further precluded 
the projected Italian occupation of Suakin, and the Italians, 
wisely' refraining from an independent attempt to succour 
Kassala, then besieged by the Mahdists, bent their efforts to the 
increase of their zone of occupation around Massawa. The ex- 
tension of the Italian zone excited the suspicions of John, negus 
of Abyssinia, whose apprehensions were assiduously fomented 
by Alula, ras of Tigre, and by French and Greek adventurers. 
Measures, apparently successful, were taken to reassure the negus, 
but shortly afterwards protection inopportunely accorded by 
Italy to enemies of Ras Alula, induced the Abyssinians to enter 
upon hostilities. In January 1886 Ras Alula raided the village of 
Wa, to the west of Zula, but towards the end of the year (23rd 
November) Wa was occupied by the irregular troops of General 
Gene, who had superseded Colonel Saletta at Massawa. Angered 
by this step, Ras Alula took prisoners the members of an Italian 
exploring party commanded by Count Salimbeni, and held them 
as hostages for the evacuation of Wa. General Gene nevertheless 
reinforced Wa and pushed forward a detachment to Saati. On 
the 25th of January 1887 Ras Alula attacked Saati, but was 
repulsed with loss. On the following day, however, the Abys- 
sinians succeeded in surprising, near the village of Dogali, an 
Italian force of 524 officers and men under Colonel De Cristoforis, 
who were convoying provisions to the garrison of Saati. 
The Abyssinians, 20,000 strong, speedily overwhelmed 
the small Italian force, which, after exhausting its 
ammunition, was destroyed where it stood. One man only 
escaped. Four hundred and seven men and twenty- three officers 
were killed outright, and one officer and eighty-one men wounded. 
Dead and wounded alike were horribly mutilated by order of 
Alula. Fearing a new attack, General Gene withdrew his forces 
from Saati, Wa and Arafali; but the losses of the Abyssinians 
at Saati and Dogali had been so heavy as to dissuade Alula from 
further hostilities. 

In Italy the disaster of Dogali produced consternation, and 
caused the fall of the Depretis-Robilant cabinet. The Chamber, 
Abyssinia. ea 8 er Ior revenge, voted a credit of £200,000, and 
sanctioned the despatch of reinforcements. Mean- 
while Signor Crispi, who, though averse from colonial adventure, 
desired to vindicate Italian honour, entered the Depretis cabinet 
as minister of the interior, and obtained from parliament a new 
credit of £800,000. In November 1887 a strong expedition under 
General di San Marzano raised the strength of the Massawa 

of Dogali. 

garrison to nearly 20,000 men. The British government, 
desirous of preventing an Italo-Abyssinian conflict, which could 
but strengthen the position of the Mahdists, despatched Mr 
(afterwards Sir) Gerald Portal from Massawa on the 29th of 
October to mediate with the negus. The mission proved fruitless. 
Portal returned to Massawa on the 25th of December 1887, and 
warned the Italians that John was preparing to attack them in 
the following spring with an army of 100,000 men. On the 28th 
of March 1888 the negus indeed descended from the Abyssinian 
high plateau in the direction of Saati, but finding the Italian posi- 
tion too strong to be carried by assault, temporized and opened 
negotiations for peace. His tactics failed to entice the Italians 
from their position, and on the 3rd of April sickness among his 
men compelled John to withdraw the Abyssinian army. The negus 
next marched against Menelek, king of Shoa, whose neutrality 
Italy had purchased with 5000 Remington rifles and a supply of 
ammunition, but found him with 80,000 men too strongly en- 
trenched to be successfully attacked. Tidings of a new Mahdist 
incursion into Abyssinian territory reaching the negus induced 
him to postpone the settlement of his quarrel with Menelek until 
the dervishes had been chastised. Marching towards the Blue 
Nile, he joined battle with the Mahdists, but on the 10th of 
March 1889 was killed, in the hour of victory, near Gallabat. 
His death gave rise to an Abyssinian war of succession between 
Mangasha, natural son of John, and Menelek, grandson of the 
Negus Sella-Sellassie. Menelek, by means of Count Antonelli, 
resident in the Shoa country, requested Italy to execute a 
diversion in his favour by occupying Asmara and other points on 
the high plateau. Antonelli profited by the situation to obtain 
Menelek's signature to a treaty fixing the frontiers of the Italian 
colony and defining Italo-Abyssinian relations. The treaty, 
signed at Uccialli on the 2nd of May 1899, arranged for 
regular intercourse between Italy and Abyssinia and t/ce/a«/° 
conceded to Italy a portion of the high plateau, with 
the positions of Halai, Saganeiti and Asmara. The main point 
of the treaty, however, lay in clause 17: — 

" His Majesty the king of kings of Ethiopia consents to make use 
of the government of His Majesty the king of Italy for the treatment 
of all questions concerning other powers and governments. ' ' 

Upon this clause Italy founded her claim to a protectorate over 
Abyssinia. In September 1889 the treaty of Uccialli was ratified 
in Italy by Menelek's lieutenant, the Ras Makonnen. Makonnen 
further concluded with the Italian premier, Crispi, a convention 
whereby Italy recognized Menelek as emperor of Ethiopia, 
Menelek recognized the Italian colony, and arranged for a special 
Italo-Abyssinian currency and for a loan. On the 1 ith of October 
Italy communicated article 17 of the treaty of Uccialli to the 
European powers, interpreting it as a valid title to an Italian 
protectorate over Abyssinia. Russia alone neglected to take note 
of the communication, and persisted in the hostile attitude she 
had assumed at the moment of the occupation of Massawa. 
Meanwhile the Italian mint coined thalers bearing the portrait 
of King Humbert, with an inscription referring to the Italian 
protectorate, and on the 1st of January 1890 a royal decree con- 
ferred upon the colony the name of " Eritrea." 

In the colony itself General Baldissera, who had replaced 
General Saletta, delayed the movement against Mangasha 
desired by Menelek. The Italian general would have 
preferred to wait until his intervention was requested Opera- 
by both pretenders to the Abyssinian throne. Pressed Abyssinia. 
by the home government, he, however, instructed a 
native ally to occupy the important positions of Keren and 
Asmara, and prepared himself to take the offensive against 
Mangasha and Ras Alula. The, latter retreated south of the 
river Mareb, leaving the whole of the cis-Mareb territory, includ- 
ing the provinces of Hamasen, Agameh, Serae and Okule-Kusai, 
in Italian hands. General Orero, successor of Baldissera, pushed 
offensive action more vigorously, and on the 26th of January 
1890 entered Adowa, a city considerably to the south of the 
Mareb — an imprudent step which aroused Menelek's suspicions, 
and had hurriedly to be retraced. Mangasha, seeing further 
resistance to be useless, submitted to Menelek, who at the end 




of February ratified at Makalle the additional convention to 
the treaty of Uccialli, but refused to recognize the Italian occupa- 
tion of the Mareb. The negus, however, conformed to article 
17 of the treaty of Uccialli by requesting Italy to represent 
Abyssinia at the Brussels anti-slavery conference, an act which 
strengthened Italian illusions as to Menelek's readiness to submit 
to their protectorate. Menelek had previously notified the chief 
European powers of his coronation at Entotto (14th December 
1889), but Germany and Great Britain replied that such notifica- 
tion should have been made through the Italian government. 
Germany, moreover, wounded Menelek's pride by employing 
merely the title of " highness." The negus took advantage of 
the incident to protest against the Italian text of article 17, 
and to contend that the Amharic text contained no equivalent 
for the word "consent," but merely stipulated that Abyssinia 
" might " make use of Italy in her relations with foreign powers. 
On the 28th of October 1890 Count Antonelli, negotiator of the 
treaty, was despatched to settle the controversy, but on arriving 
at Adis Ababa, the new residence of the negus, found agreement 
impossible either with regard to the frontier or the protectorate. 
On the 10th of April 1891, Menelek communicated to the powers 
his views with regard to the Italian frontier, and announced 
his intention of re-establishing the ancient boundaries of Ethiopia 
as far as Khartum to the north-west and Victoria Nyanza to the 
south. Meanwhile the marquis de Rudini, who had succeeded 
Crispi as Italian premier, had authorized the abandonment of 
article 1 7 even before he had heard of the failure of Antonelli's 
negotiations. Rudini was glad to leave the whole dispute in 
abeyance and to make with the local ras, or chieftains, of the 
high plateau an arrangement securing for Italy the cis-Mareb 
provinces of Serae and Okule-Kusai under the rule of an allied 
native chief named Bath-Agos. Rudini, however, was able 
to conclude two protocols with Great Britain (March and April 
1 891) whereby the British government definitely recognized 
Abyssinia as within the Italian sphere of influence in return for 
an Italian recognition of British rights in the Upper Nile. 

The period 1887-1890 was marked in Italy by great political 
activity. The entry of Crispi into the Depretis cabinet as 
minister of the interior (4th April 1887) introduced 
^}j, into the government an element of vigour which had 
Cabinet. l° n g been lacking. Though sixty-eight years of age, 
Crispi possessed an activity, a rapidity of decision 
and an energy in execution with which none of his contemporaries 
could vie. Within four months the death of Depretis (29th 
July 1887) opened for Crispi the way to the premiership. Besides 
assuming the presidency of the council of ministers and retaining 
the ministry of the interior, Crispi took over the portfolio of 
foreign affairs which Depretis had held since the resignation of 
Count di Robilant. One of the first questions with which he 
had to deal was that of conciliation between Italy and the 
Vatican. At the end of May the pope, in an allocution to the 
cardinals, had spoken of Italy in terms of unusual cordiality, 
and had expressed a wish for peace. A few days later Signor 
Bonghi, one of the framers of the Law of Guarantees, published 
in the Nuova Antologia a plea for reconciliation on the basis of 
an amendment to the Law of Guarantees and recognition by 
the pope of the Italian title to Rome. The chief incident cf the 
movement towards conciliation consisted, however, in the 
publication of a pamphlet entitled La Conciliazione by Father 
Tosti, a close friend and confidant of the pope, extolling the 
advantages of peace between Vatican and Quirinal. Tosti's 
pamphlet was known to represent papal ideas, and Tosti himself 
was persona grata to the Italian government. Recon- 
coaciifa-' 1 c i nat ' on seemed within sight when suddenly Tosti's 
tioa. pamphlet was placed on the Index, ostensibly on 

account of a phrase, " The whole of Italy entered 
Rome by the breach of Porta Pia; the king cannot restore 
Rome to the pope, since Rome belongs to the Italian people." 
On the 4th of June 1887 the official Vatican organ, the Osservatore 
Romano, published a letter written by Tosti to the pope condition- 
ally retracting the views expressed in the pamphlet. The letter 
had been written at the pope's request, on the understanding 

that it should not be published. On the 15th of June the pope 
addressed to Cardinal Rampolla del Tindaro, secretary of state, 
a letter reiterating in uncompromising terms the papal claim to 
the temporal power, and at the end of July Cardinal Rampolla 
reformulated the same claim in a circular to the papal nuncios 
abroad. The dream of conciliation was at an end, but the Tosti 
incident had served once, more to illustrate the true position of 
the Vatican in regard to Italy. It became clear that neither the 
influence of the regular clergy, of which the Society of Jesus 
is the most powerful embodiment, nor that of foreign clerical 
parties, which largely control the Peter's Pence fund, would 
ever permit renunciation of the papal claim to temporal power. 
France, and the French Catholics especially, feared lest concilia- 
tion should diminish the reliance of the Vatican upon Terms 
France, and consequently French hold over the of the 
Vatican. The Vatican, for its part, felt its claim to "Homau 
temporal power to be too valuable a pecuniary asset s ,on ' 
and too efficacious an instrument of church discipline lightly 
to be thrown away. The legend of an " imprisoned pope," 
subject to every whim of his gaolers, had never failed to arouse 
the pity and loosen the purse-strings of the faithful; dangerous 
innovators and would-be reformers within the church could be 
compelled to bow before the symbol of the temporal power, and 
their spirit of submission tested by their readiness to forgo 
the realization of their aims until the head of the church should 
be restored to his rightful domain. More important than all 
was the interest of the Roman curia, composed almost exclusively 
of Italians, to retain in its own hands the choice of the pontiff 
and to maintain the predominance of the Italian element and 
the Italian spirit in the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Conciliation 
with Italy would expose the pope and his Italian entourage to 
suspicion of being unduly subject to Italian political influence— 
of being, in a word, more Italian than Catholic. Such a suspicion 
would inevitably lead to a movement in favour of the inter- 
nationalization of the curia and of the papacy. In order to 
avoid this danger it was therefore necessary to refuse all com- 
promise, and, by perpetual reiteration of a claim incompatible 
with Italian territorial unity, to prove to the church at large 
that the pope and the curia were more Catholic than Italian. 
Such rigidity of principle need not be extended to the affairs 
of everyday contact between the Vatican and the Italian 
authorities, with regard to which, indeed, a tacit modus vivendi 
was easily attainable. Italy, for her part, could not go back 
upon the achievements of the Risorgimento by restoring Rome 
or any portion of Italian territory to the pope. She had hoped 
by conciliation to arrive at an understanding which should have 
ranged the church among the conservative and not among the 
disruptive forces of the country, but she was keenly desirous 
to retain the papacy as a preponderatingly Italian institution, 
and was ready to make whatever formal concessions might have 
appeared necessary to reassure foreign Catholics concerning the 
reality of the pope's spiritual independence. The failure of the 
conciliation movement left profound irritation between Vatican 
and Quirinal, an irritation which, on the Vatican side, found 
expression in vivacious protests and in threats of leaving Rome; 
and, on the Italian side, in the deposition of the syndic of 
Rome for having visited the cardinal-vicar, in the anti-clerical 
provisions of the new penal code, and in the inauguration (9th 
June 1889) of a monument to Giordano Bruno on the very site 
of his martyrdom. 

The internal situation inherited by Crispi from Depretis was 
very unsatisfactory. Extravagant expenditure on railways 
and public works, loose administration of finance, the cost of 
colonial enterprise, the growing demands for the army and 
navy, the impending tariff war with France, and the over- 
speculation in building and in industrial ventures, which had 
absorbed all the floating capital of the country, had combined 
to produce a state of affairs calling for firm and radical treatment. 
Crispi, burdened by the premiership and by the two most 
important portfolios in the cabinet, was, however, unable to 
exercise efficient control over all departments of state. Neverthe- 
less his administration was by no means unfruitful. Zanardelli, 




minister of justice, secured in June 1888 the adoption of a new 
penal code; state surveillance was extended to the opere pie, 
or charitable institutions; municipal franchise was reformed 
by granting what was practically manhood suffrage with 
residential qualification, provision being made for minority 
representation; and the central state administration was 
reformed by a bill fixing the number and functions of the various 
ministries. The management of finance was scarcely satisfactory, 
for though Giolitti, who had succeeded Magliani and Perazzi 
at the treasury, suppressed the former's illusory " pension fund," 
he lacked the fibre necessary to deal with the enormous deficit 
of nearly £10,000,000 in 1 888-1 889, the existence of which both 
Perazzi and he had recognized. The most successful feature 
of Crispi's term of office was his strict maintenance of order and 
the suppression of Radical and Irredentist agitation. So 
vigorous was his treatment of Irredentism that he dismissed 
without warning his colleague Seismit Doda, minister of finance, 
for having failed to protest against Irredentist speeches delivered 
in his presence at Udine. Firmness such as this secured for him 
the support of all constitutional elements, and after three years' 
premiership his position was infinitely stronger than at the 
outset. The general election of 1890 gave the cabinet an almost 
unwieldy majority, comprising four-fifths of the Chamber. A 
lengthy term of office seemed to be opening out before him when, 
on the 31st of January 1891, Crispi, speaking in a debate upon 
an unimportant bill, angrily rebuked the Right for its noisy 
interruptions. The rebuke infuriated the Conservative deputies, 
who, protesting against Crispi's words in the name of the " sacred 
memories " of their party, precipitated a division and placed 
the cabinet in a minority. The incident, whether due to chance 
or guile, brought about the resignation of Crispi. A few days 
later he was succeeded in the premiership by the marquis di 
Rudini, leader of the Right, who formed a coalition cabinet with 
Nicotera and a part of the Left. 

The sudden fall of Crispi wrought a great change in the 
character of Italian relations with foreign powers. His policy 
had been characterized by extreme cordiality towards 
Austria and Germany, by a close understanding with 
Great Britain in regard to Mediterranean questions, and by an 
apparent animosity towards France, which at one moment 
seemed likely to lead to war. Shortly before the fall of the 
Depretis-Robilant cabinet Count Robilant had announced the 
intention of Italy to denounce the commercial treaties with 
France and Austria, which would lapse en the 31st of December 
1887, and had intimated his readiness to negotiate new treaties. 
On the 24th of June 1887, in view of a possible rupture of com- 
mercial relations with France, the Depretis-Crispi cabinet 
introduced a new general tariff. The probability of the conclu- 
sion of a new Franco-Italian treaty was small, both on account 
of the protectionist spirit of France and of French resentment 
at the renewal of the triple alliance, but even such slight proba- 
bility vanished after a visit paid to Bismarck by Crispi (October 
1887) within three months of his appointment to the premiership. 
Crispi entertained no a priori animosity towards France, but was 
strongly convinced that Italy must emancipate herself from the 
position of political dependence on her powerful neighbour 
which had vitiated the foreign policy of the Left. So far was he 
from desiring a rupture with France, that he had subordinated 
acceptance of the portfolio of the interior in the Depretis cabinet 
to an assurance that the triple alliance contained no provision 
for offensive warfare. But his ostentatious visit to Friedrichsruh, 
and a subsequent speech at Turin, in which, while professing 
sentiments of friendship and esteem for France, he eulogized 
the personality of Bismarck, aroused against him a hostility 
on the part of the French which he was never afterwards able 
to allay. France was equally careless of Italian susceptibilities, 
and in April 1888 Goblet made a futile but irritating attempt 
to enforce at Massawa the Ottoman regime of the capitulations 
in regard to non-Italian residents. In such circumstances the 
negotiations for the new commercial treaty could but fail, and 
though the old treaty was prolonged by special arrangement 
for two months, differential tariffs were put in force on both sides 


of the frontier on the 29th of Februarj' 1888. The value of 
French exports into Italy decreased immediately by one-half, 
while Italian exports to France decreased by nearly two-thirds. 
At the end of 1889 Crispi abolished the differential duties against 
French imports and returned to the general Italian tariff, but 
France declined to follow his lead and maintained her prohibitive 
dues. Meanwhile the enthusiastic reception accorded to the 
young German emperor on the occasion of his visit to Rome in 
October 1888, and the cordiality shown towards King Humbert 
and Crispi at Berlin in May 1889, increased the tension of Franco- 
Italian relations; nor was it until after the fall of Prince 
Bismarck in March 1890 that Crispi adopted towards the Republic 
a more friendly attitude by sending an Italian squadron to salute 
President Carnot at Toulon. The chief advantage derived 
by Italy from Crispi's foreign policy was the increase of con- 
fidence in her government on the part of her allies and of Great 
Britain. On the occasion of the incident raised by Goblet with 
regard to Massawa, Bismarck made it clear to France that, in 
case of complications, Italy would not stand alone; and when 
in February 1888 a strong French fleet appeared to menace 
the Italian coast, the British Mediterranean squadron demon- 
strated its readiness to support Italian naval dispositions. 
Moreover, under Crispi's hand Italy awoke from the apathy 
of former years and gained consciousness of her place in the 
world. The conflict with France, the operations in Eritrea, 
the vigorous interpretation of the triple alliance, the questions 
of Morocco and Bulgaria, were all used by him as means to 
stimulate national sentiment. With the instinct of a true 
statesman, he felt the pulse of the people, divined their need for 
prestige, and their preference for a government heavy-handed 
rather than lax. How great had been Crispi's power was seen 
by contrast with the policy of the Rudini cabinet which succeeded 
him in February 1891. Crispi's so-called " megalomania " gave 
place to retrenchment in home affairs and to a deferential 
attitude towards all foreign powers. The premiership second 
of Rudini was hailed by the Radical leader, Cavallotti, renewal ol 
as a pledge of the non-renewal of the triple alliance, th ? Triple 
against which the Radicals began a vociferous campaign. 
Their tactics, however, produced a contrary effect, for Rudini, 
accepting proposals from Berlin, renewed the alliance in June 
1891 for a period of twelve years. None of Rudini's public 
utterances justify the supposition that he assumed office with the 
intention of allowing the alliance to lapse on its expiry in May 
1892; indeed, he frankly declared it to form the basis of his 
foreign policy. The attitude of several of his colleagues was more 
equivocal, but though they coquetted with French financiers 
in the hope of obtaining the support of the Paris Bourse for 
Italian securities, the precipitate renewal of the alliance destroyed 
all probability of a close understanding with France. The desire 
of Rudini to live on the best possible terms with all powers was 
further evinced in the course of a visit paid to Monza by M. de 
Giers in October 1891, when the Russian statesman was apprised 
of the entirely defensive nature of Italian engagements under 
the triple alliance. At the same time he carried to a successful 
conclusion negotiations begun by Crispi for the renewal of 
commercial treaties with Austria and Germany upon terms 
which to some extent compensated Italy for the reduction of 
her commerce with France, and concluded with Great Britain 
conventions for the delimitation of British and Italian spheres 
of influence in north-east Africa. j*In home affairs his administra- 
tion was weak and vacillating, nor did the economies effected 
in naval and military expenditure and in other departments 
suffice to strengthen the position of a cabinet which had dis- 
appointed the hopes of its supporters. On the 14th of April 
1892 dissensions between ministers concerning the financial 
programme led to a cabinet crisis, and though Rudini succeeded 
in reconstructing his administration, he was defeated in the 
Chamber on the 5th of May and obliged to resign. King Humbert, 
who, from lack of confidence in Rudini, had declined 
to allow him to dissolve parliament, entrusted Signor 
Giolitti, a Piedmontese deputy, sometime treasury minister 
in the Crispi cabinet, with the formation of a ministry of 


7 6 



the Left, which contrived to obtain six months' supply on 
account, and dissolved the Chamber 

The ensuing general election (November 1892), marked by 
unprecedented violence and abuse of official pressure upon 
the electorate, fitly ushered in what proved to be 
scandals. *he most unfortunate period of Italian history since 
the completion of national unity. The influence of 
Giolitti was based largely upon the favour of a court clique, 
and especially of Rattazzi, minister of the royal household. 
Early in 1893 a scandal arose in connexion with the manage- 
ment of state banks, and particularly of the Banca Romana, 
whose managing director, Tanlongo, had issued £2,500,000 of 
duplicate bank-notes. Giolitti scarcely improved matters by 
creating Tanlongo a member of the senate, and by denying in 
parliament the existence of any mismanagement. The senate, 
however, manifested the utmost hostility to Tanlongo, whom 
Giolitti, in consequence of an interpellation in the Chamber, 
was compelled to arrest. Arrests of other prominent persons 
followed, and on the 3rd of February the Chamber authorized 
the prosecution of De Zerbi, a Neapolitan deputy accused of 
corruption. On the 20th of February De Zerbi suddenly 
expired. For a time Giolitti successfully opposed inquiry into 
the conditions of the state banks, but on the 21st of March was 
compelled to sanction an official investigation by a parliamentary 
commission composed of seven members. On the 23rd of 
November the report of the commission was read to the Chamber 
amid intense excitement. It established that all Italian cabinets 
since 1880 had grossly neglected the state banks; that the two 
preceding cabinets had been aware of the irregularities committed 
by Tanlongo; that Tanlongo had heavily subsidized the press, 
paying as much as £20,000 for that purpose in 1888 alone; 
that a number of deputies, including several ex-ministers, had 
received from him loans of a considerable amount, which they 
had apparently made no effort to refund; that Giolitti had 
deceived the Chamber with regard to the state banks, and was 
open tosuspicion of having, after the arrest of Tanlongo, abstracted 
a number of documents from the latter's papers before placing 
the remainder in the hands of the judicial authorities. In spite 
of the gravity of the charges formulated against many prominent 
men, the report merely " deplored " and " disapproved " of 
their conduct, without proposing penal proceedings. Fear of 
extending still farther a scandal which had already attained 
huge dimensions, and the desire to avoid any further shock to 
national credit, convinced the commissioners of the expediency 
of avoiding a long series of prosecutions. The report, however, 
sealed the fate of the Giolitti cabinet, and on the 24th of November 
it resigned amid general execration. 

Apart from the lack of scruple manifested by Giolitti in the 
bank scandals, he exhibited incompetence in the conduct of 
foreign and home affairs. On the 16th and 18th of 
Ajgues- August 1893 a number of Italian workmen were 
massacre, massacred at Aigues-Mortes. The French authorities, 
under whose eyes the massacre was perpetrated, did 
nothing to prevent or repress it, and the mayor of Marseilles 
even refused to admit the wounded Italian workmen to the 
municipal hospital. These occurrences provoked anti-French 
demonstrations in many parts of Italy, and revived the chronic 
Italian rancour against France. The Italian foreign minister, 
Brin, began by demanding the punishment of the persons 
guilty of the massacre, but hastened to accept as satisfactory the 
anodyne measures adopted by the French government. Giolitti 
removed the prefect of Rome for not having prevented an 
expression of popular anger, and presented formal excuses to 
the French consul at Messina for a demonstration against that 
consulate. In the following December the French tribunal at 
Angoulfime acquitted all the authors of the massacre. At 
home Giolitti displayed the same weakness. Riots at Naples 
in August 1893 and symptoms of unrest in Sicily found him, 
as usual, unprepared and vacillating. The closing of the French 
market to Sicilian produce, the devastation wrought by the 
phylloxera and the decrease of the sulphur trade had combined 
to produce in Sicily a discontent of which Socialist agitators 

took advantage to organize the workmen of the towns and 
the peasants of the country into groups known as fasci. 
The movement had no well-defined object. Here 
and there it was based upon a bastard Socialism, insarrec- 
in other places it was made a means of municipal sicily. 
party warfare under the guidance of the local mafia, 
and in some districts it was simply popular effervescence against 
the local octrois on bread and flour. As early as January 1893 a . 
conflict had occurred between the police and the populace, in 
which several men, women and children were killed, an occurrence • 
used by the agitators further to inflame the populace. Instead 
of maintaining a firm policy, Giolitti allowed the movement 
to spread until, towards the autumn of 1893, he became alarmed 
and drafted troops into the island, though in numbers insufficient 
to restore order. At the moment of his fall the movement 
assumed the aspect of an insurrection, and during the interval 
between his resignation (24th November) and the formation 
of a new Crispi cabinet (10th December) conflicts between the 
public forces and the rioters were frequent. The return of Crispi 
to power- — a return imposed by public opinion as that of the only 
man capable of dealing with the desperate situation — marked 
the turning-point of the crisis. Intimately acquainted with 
the conditions of his native island, Crispi adopted efficacious 
remedies. The fasci were suppressed, Sicily was filled with troops, 
the reserves were called out. a state of siege proclaimed, military 
courts instituted and the whole movement crushed in a few 
weeks. The chief agitators were either sentenced to heavy 
terms of imprisonment or were compelled to flee the country. 
A simultaneous insurrection at Massa - Carrara was crushed 
with similar vigour. Crispi's methods aroused great outcry 
in the Radical press, but the severe sentences of the military 
courts were in time tempered by the Royal prerogative of 

But it was not alone in regard to public order that heroic 
measures were necessary. The financial situation inspired 
serious misgivings. While engagements contracted 
by Depretis in regard to public works had more than ciJI™ " 
neutralized the normal increase of revenue from taxa- 
tion, the whole credit of the state had been affected by the 
severe economic and financial crises of the years 1889-1893. 
The state banks, already hampered by maladministration, 
were encumbered by huge quantities of real estate which had 
been taken over as compensation for unredeemed mortgages. 
Baron Sidney Sonnino, minister of finance in the Crispi cabinet, 
found a prospective deficit of £7,080,000, and in spite of economies 
was obliged to face an actual deficit of more than £6,000,000. 
Drastic measures were necessary to limit expenditure and to 
provide new sources of revenue. Sonnino applied, and sub- 
sequently amended, the Bank Reform Bill passed by the previous 
Administration (August 10, 1893) for the creation of a supreme 
state bank, the Bank of Italy, which was entrusted with the 
liquidation of the insolvent Banca Romana. The new law 
forbade the state banks to lend money on real estate, limited 
their powers of discounting bills and securities, and reduced the 
maximum of their paper currency. In order to diminish the 
gold premium, which under Giolitti had risen to 16%, forced 
currency was given to the existing notes of the banks of Italy, 
Naples and Sicily, while special state notes were issued to meet 
immediate currency needs. Measures were enforced to prevent 
Italian holders of consols from sending their coupons abroad to 
be paid in gold, with the result that, whereas in 1893 £3,240,000 
had been paid abroad in gold for the service of the January 
coupons and only £680,000 in paper in Italy, the same coupon 
was paid a year later with only £1,360,000 abroad and £2,540,000 
at home. Economies for more than £1 ,000,000, were immediately 
effected, taxes, calculated to produce £2,440,000, were proposed 
to be placed upon land, incomes, salt and corn, while the existing 
income-tax upon consols (fixed at 8% by Cambray-Digny in 
1868, and raised to 13-20% by Sella in 1870) was increased to 
20% irrespectively of the stockholders' nationality. These 
proposals met with opposition so fierce as to cause a cabinet 
crisis, but Sonnino who resigned office as minister of finance, 



1 j 

returned to power as minister of the treasury, promulgated some 
of his proposals by royal decree, and in spite of vehement 
opposition secured their ratification by the Chamber. The tax 
upon consols, which, in conjunction with the other severe fiscal 
measures, was regarded abroad as a pledge that Italy intended 
at all costs to avoid bankruptcy, caused a rise in Italian stocks. 
When the Crispi cabinet fell in March 1896 Sonnino had the 
satisfaction of seeing revenue increased by £3,400,000, expendi- 
ture diminished by £2,800,000, the gold premium reduced from 
16 to 5%, consolidated stock at 95 instead of 72, and, notwith- 
standing the expenditure necessitated by the Abyssinian War, 
financial equilibrium practically restored. 

While engaged in restoring order and in supporting Sonnino's 
courageous struggle against bankruptcy, Crispi became the 
object of fierce attacks from the Radicals, Socialists 
oa'crispi an d anarchists. On the 16th of June an attempt by 
an anarchist named Lega was made on Crispi's life; 
on the 24th of June President Carnot was assassinated by the 
anarchist Caserio; and on the 30th of June an Italian journalist 
was murdered at Leghorn for a newspaper attack upon anarchism 
— a series of outrages which led the government to frame and 
parliament to adopt (nth July) a Public Safety Bill for the pre- 
vention of anarchist propaganda and crime. At the end of July 
the trial of the persons implicated in the Banca Romana scandal 
revealed the fact that among the documents abstracted by Giolitti 
from the papers of the bank manager, Tanlongo, were several 
bearing upon Crispi's political and private life. On the nth of 
December Giolitti laid these and other papers before the Chamber, 
in the hope of ruining Crispi, but upon examination most of thern 
were found to be worthless, and the rest of so private a nature as 
to be unfit for publication. The effect of the incident was rather 
to increase detestation of Giolitti than to damage Crispi. The 
latter, indeed, prosecuted the former for libel and for abuse of 
his position when premier, but after many vicissitudes, including 
the flight of Giolitti to Berlin in order to avoid arrest, the 
Chamber refused authorization for the prosecution, and the 
matter dropped. A fresh at'empt of the same kind was then 
made against Crispi by the Radical leader Cavallotti, who 
advanced unproven charges of corruption and embezzlement. 
These attacks were, however, unavailing to shake Crispi's 
position, and in the general election of May 1895 his government 
obtained a majority of nearly 200 votes. Nevertheless public 
confidence in the efficacy of the parliamentary system and in the 
honesty of politicians was seriously diminished by these un- 
savoury occurrences, which, in combination with the acquittal of 
all the defendants in the Banca Romana trial, and the abandon- 
ment of the proceedings against Giolitti, reinforced to an alarm- 
ing degree the propaganda of the revolutionary parties. 

The foreign policy of the second Crispi Administration, in 
which the portfolio of foreign affairs was held by Baron Blanc, 
was, as before, marked by a cordial interpretation of 
Complka- tne tr jpj e alliance, and by close accord with Great 
Eritrea. Britain. In the Armenian question Italy seconded with 
energy the diplomacy of Austria and Germany, while 
the Italian fleet joined the British Mediterranean squadron in a 
demonstration off the Syrian coast. Graver than any foreign 
question were the complications in Eritrea. Under the arrange- 
ment concluded in 1891 by Rudini with native chiefs in regard 
to the Italo-Abyssinian frontier districts, relations with Abyssinia 
had remained comparatively satisfactory. Towards the Sudan, 
however, the Mahdists, who had recovered from a defeat inflicted 
by an Italian force at Agordat in 1890, resumed operations in 
December 1893. Colonel Arimondi, commander of the colonial 
forces in the absence of the military governor, General Baratieri, 
attacked and routed a dervish force 10,000 strong on the 21st of 
December. The Italian troops, mostly native levies, numbered 
only 2200 men. The dervish loss was more than 1000 killed, 
while the total Italian casualties amounted to less than 250. 
General Baratieri, upon returning to the colony, decided to 
execute a coup de main against the dervish base at Kassala, both in 
order to relieve pressure from that quarter and to preclude a com- 
bined Abyssinian and dervish attack upon the colony at the end of 

1894. The protocol concluded with Great Britain on the 15th of 
April 1891, already referred to, contained a clause to the effect that, 
were Kassala occupied by the Italians, the place should be trans- 
ferred to the Egyptian government as soon as the latter should 
be in a position to restore order in the Sudan. Concentrating a 
little army of 2600 men, Baratieri surprised and captured Kassala 
on the 17th of July 1894, and garrisoned the place with native 
levies under Italian officers. Meanwhile Menelek, jealous of the 
extension o'f Italian influence to a part of northern Somaliland 
and to the Benadir coast, had, with the support of France and 
Russia, completed his preparations for asserting his authority as 
independent ruler of Ethiopia. On the nth of May 1893 he 
denounced the treaty of Uccialli, but the Giolitti cabinet, absorbed 
by the bank scandals, paid no heed to his action. Possibly an 
adroit repetition in favour of Mangasha and against Menelek of 
the policy formerly followed in favour of Menelek against the 
negus John might have consolidated Italian influence in Abyssinia 
by preventing the ascendancy of any single chieftain. The 
Italian government, however, neglected this opening, and 
Mangasha came to terms with Menelek. Consequently the 
efforts of Crispi and his envoy, Colonel Piano, to conclude a new 
treaty with Menelek in June 1894 not only proved unsuccessful, 
but formed a prelude to troubles on the Italo-Abyssinian frontier. 
Bath-Agos, the native chieftain who ruled the Okule-Kusai and 
the cis-Mareb provinces on behalf of Italy, intrigued with 
Mangasha, ras of the trans-Mareb province of Tigre, and with 
Menelek, to raise a revolt against Italian rule on the high 
plateau. In December 1894 the revolt broke out, but Major 
Toselli with a small force marched rapidly against Bath Agos, 
whom he routed and killed at Halai. General Baratieri, having 
reason to suspect the complicity of Mangasha in the revolt, called 
upon him to furnish troops for a projected Italo-Abyssinian 
campaign against the Mahdists. Mangasha made no reply, and 
Baratieri crossing the Mareb advanced to Adowa, but four days 
later was obliged to return northwards. Mangasha thereupon 
took the offensive and attempted to occupy the village of Coatit 
in Okule-Kusai, but was forestalled and defeated by Baratieri on 
the 13th of January 1895. Hurriedly retreating to Senafe, hard 
pressed by the Italians, who shelled Senafe on the evening of the 
1 5th of January, Mangasha was obliged to abandon his camp and 
provisions to Baratieri, who also secured a quantity of corre- 
spondence establishing the complicity of Menelek and Mangasha 
in the revolt of Bath-Agos. 

The comparatively facile success achieved by Baratieri 
against Mangasha seems to have led him to undervalue his 
enemy, and to forget that Menelek, negus and king 
of Shoa, had an interest in allowing Mangasha to be o/rigre. 
crushed, in order that the imperial authority and the 
superiority of Shoan over Tigrin arms might be the more strikingly 
asserted. After obtaining the establishment of an apostolic 
prefecture in Eritrea under the charge of Italian Franciscans, 
Baratieri expelled from the colony the French Lazarist mission- 
aries for their alleged complicity in the Bath-Agos insurrection, 
and in March 1895 undertook the conquest of Tigre. Occupying 
Adigrat and Makalle, he reached Adowa on the 1st of April, and 
thence pushed forward to Axum, the holy city of Abyssinia. These 
places were garrisoned, and during the rainy season Baratieri 
returned to Italy, where he was received with unbounded 
enthusiasm. Whether he or the Crispi cabinet had any inkling 
of the enterprise to which they were committed by the occupa- 
tion of Tigre is more than doubtful. Certainly Baratieri made 
no adequate preparations to repel an Abyssinian attempt to 
reconquer the province. Early in September both Mangasha 
and Menelek showed signs of activity, and on the 20th of Sep- 
tember Makonnen, ras of Harrar, who up till then had been 
regarded as a friend and quasi-ally by Italy, expelled all Italians 
from his territory and marched with 30,000 men to join the 
negus. On returning to Eritrea, Baratieri mobilized his native 
reserves and pushed forward columns under Major Toselli and 
General Arimondi as far south as Amba Alagi. Mangasha fell 
back before the Italians, who obtained several minor successes; 
but on the 6th of December Toselli's column, 2000 strong, which 




through a misunderstanding continued to hold Amba Alagi, was 
almost annihilated by the Abyssinian vanguard of 40,000 men. 
Toselli and all but three officers and 300 men fell at their posts 
after a desperate resistance. Arimondi, collecting the survivors 
of the Toselli column, retreated to Makalle and Adigrat. At 
Makalle, however, he left a small garrison in the fort, which on 
the 7th of January 1896 was invested by the Abyssinian army. 
Repeated attempts to capture the fort having failed, Menelek 
and Makonnen opened negotiations with Baratieri for its capitula- 
tion, and on the 21st of January the garrison, under Major 
Galliano, who had heroically defended the position, were per- 
mitted to march out with the honours of war. Meanwhile 
Baratieri received reinforcements from Italy, but remained 
undecided as to the best plan of campaign. Thus a month was 
lost, during which the Abyssinian army advanced to Hausen, 
a position slightly south of Adowa. The Italian commander 
attempted to treat with Menelek, but his negotiations merely 
enabled the Italian envoy, Major Salsa, to ascertain that the 
Abyssinians were nearly 100,000 strong mostly armed with 
rifles and well supplied with artillery. The Italians, including 
camp-followers, numbered less than 25,000 men, a force too 
small for effective action, but too large to be easily provisioned 
at 200 m. from its base, in a roadless, mountainous country, 
almost devoid of water. For a moment Baratieri thought of 
retreat, especially as the hope of creating a diversion from Zaila 
towards Harrar had failed in consequence of the British refusal 
to permit the landing of an Italian force without the consent 
of France. The defection of a number of native allies (who, 
however, were attacked and defeated by Colonel Stevani on 
the 18th of February) rendered the Italian position still more 
precarious; but Baratieri, unable to make up his mind, continued 
to manoeuvre in the hope of drawing an Abyssinian attack. 
These futile tactics exasperated the home government, which 
on the 22nd of February despatched General Baldissera, with 
strong reinforcements, to supersede Baratieri. On the 25th of 
February Crispi telegraphed to Baratieri, denouncing his opera- 
tions as " military phthisis," and urging him to decide upon 
some strategic plan. Baratieri, anxious probably to obtain 
some success before the arrival of Baldissera, and alarmed by 
the rapid diminution of his stores, which precluded further 
immobility, called a council of war (29th of February) and 
obtained the approval of the divisional commanders for a plan 
of attack. During the night the army advanced towards 
Adowa in three divisions, under Generals Dabormida, Arimondi 
and Albertone, each division being between 4000 and 5000 
strong, and a brigade 5300 strong under General 
Ellena remaining in reserve. All the divisions, 
save that of Aibertone, consisted chiefly of Italian 
troops. During the march Albertone's native division mistook 
the road, and found itself obliged to delay in the Arimondi column 
by retracing its steps. Marching rapidly, however, Albertone 
outdistanced the other columns, but, in consequence of allowing 
his men an hour's rest, arrived upon the scene of action when 
the Abyssinians, whom it had been hoped to surprise at dawn, 
were ready to receive the attack. Pressed by overwhelming 
forces, the Italians, after a violent combat, began to give way. 
The Dabormida division, unsupported by Albertone, found 
itself likewise engaged in a separate combat against superior 
numbers. Similarly the Arimondi brigade was attacked by 
30,000 Shoans, and encumbered by the debris of Albertone's 
troops. Baratieri vainly attempted to push forward the reserve, 
but the Italians were already overwhelmed, and the battle — or 
rather, series of distinct engagements — ended in a general rout. 
The Italian loss is estimated to have been more than 6000, 
of whom 3125 were whites. Between 3000 and 4000 prisoners 
were taken by the Abyssinians, including General Albertone, 
while Generals Arimondi and Dabormida were killed and General 
Ellena wounded. The Abyssinians lost more than 5000 killed 
and 8000 wounded. Baratieri, after a futile attempt to direct 
the retreat, fled in haste and reached Adi-Caje before the debris 
of his army. Thence he despatched telegrams to Italy throwing 
blame for the defeat upon his troops, a proceeding which sub- 

Battle ot 

sequent evidence proved to be as unjustifiable as it was unsoldier- 
like. Placed under court-martial for his conduct, Baratieri 
was acquitted of the charge for having been led to give battle 
by other than military considerations, but the sentence " deplored 
that in such difficult circumstances the command should have 
been given to a general so inferior to the exigencies of the 

In Italy the news of the defeat of Adowa caused deep dis- 
couragement and dismay. On the 5th of March the Crispi 
cabinet resigned before an outburst of indignation which the 
Opposition had assiduously fomented, and five days later a new 
cabinet was formed by General Ricotti-Magnani, who, however, 
made over the premiership to the marquis di Rudini. The latter, 
though leader of the Right, had long been intriguing with 
Cavallotti, leader of the Extreme Left, to overthrow Crispi, but 
without the disaster of Adowa his plan would scarcely have 
succeeded. The first act of the new cabinet was to confirm 
instructions given by its predecessor to General Baldissera (who 
had succeeded General Baratieri on the 2nd of March) to treat 
for peace with Menelek if he thought desirable. Baldissera 
opened negotiations with the negus through Major Salsa, and 
simultaneously reorganized the Italian army. The negotiations 
having failed, he marched to relieve the beleaguered garrison 
of Adigrat; but Menelek, discouraged by the heavy losses at 
Adowa, broke up his camp and returned southwards 
to Shoa. At the same time Baldissera detached . -f*L?/. 
Colonel Stevani with four native battalions to relieve me nt 
Kassala, then hard pressed by the Mahdists. Kassala 
was relieved on the 1st of April, and Stevani a few days later 
severely defeated the dervishes at Jebel Mokram and Tucruff. 
Returning from Kassala Colonel Stevani rejoined Baldissera, 
who on the 4th of May relieved Adigrat after a well-executed 
march. By adroit negotiations with Mangasha. the Italian 
general obtained the release of the Italian prisoners in Tigre, 
and towards the end of May withdrew his whole force north of 
the Mareb. Major Nerazzini was then despatched as special 
envoy to the negus to arrange terms of peace. On the 26th of 
October Nerazzini succeeded in concluding, at Adis Ababa, 
a provisional treaty annulling the treaty of Uccialli; recognizing 
the absolute independence of Ethiopia; postponing for one year 
the definitive delimitation of the Italo-Abyssinian boundary, 
but allowing the Italians meanwhile to hold the strong Mareb- 
Belesa-Muna line; and arranging for the release of the Italian 
prisoners after ratification of the treaty in exchange for an 
indemnity of which the amount was to be fixed by the Italian 
government. The treaty having been duly ratified, and an 
indemnity of £400,000 paid to Menelek, the Shoan prisoners were 
released, and Major Nerazzini once more returned to Abyssinia 
with instructions to secure, if possible, Menelek's assent to the 
definitive retention of the Mareb-Belesa-Muna line by Italy. 
Before Nerazzini could reach Adis Ababa, Rudini, in order 
partially to satisfy the demands of his Radical supporters for 
the abandonment of the colony, announced in the Chamber the 
intention of Italy to limit her occupation to the triangular zone 
between the points Asmara, Keren and Massawa, and, possibly, 
to withdraw to Massawa alone. _ This declaration, of which 
Menelek was swiftly apprised by French agents, rendered it 
impossible to Nerazzini to obtain more than a boundary leaving 
to Italy but a small portion of the high plateau and ceding to 
Abyssinia the fertile provinces of Serae and Okule-Kusai. The 
fall of the Rudini cabinet in June 1898, however, enabled 
Signor Ferdinando Martini and Captain Cicco di Cola, who had 
been appointed respectively civil governor of Eritrea and minister 
resident at Adis Ababa, to prevent the cession of Serae and Okule- 
Kusai, and to secure the assent of Menelek to Italian retention 
of the Mareb-Belesa-Muna frontier. Eritrea has now approxi- 
mately the same extent as before the revolt of Bath-Agos, 
except in regard (1) to Kassala, which was transferred to the 
Anglo-Egyptian authorities on the 25th of December 1897, in 
pursuance of the above-mentioned Anglo-Italian convention; 
and (2) to slight rectifications of its northern and eastern bound- 
aries by conventions concluded between the Eritrean and the 




Anglo-Egyptian authorities. Under Signor Ferdinando Martini's 
able administration (1898-1906) the cost of the colony to Italy 
was reduced and its trade and agriculture have vastly improved. 
While marked in regard to Eritrea by vacillation and un- 
dignified readiness to yield to Radical clamour, the policy of 
the marquis di Rudini was in other respects chiefly characterized 
by a desire to demolish Crispi and his supporters. Actuated by 
rancour against Crispi, he, on the 29th of April 1896, authorized 
the publication of a Green Book on Abyssinian affairs, in which, 
without the consent of Great Britain, the confidential Anglo- 
Italian negotiations in regard to the Abyssinian war were 
disclosed. This publication, which amounted to a gross breach 
of diplomatic confidence, might have endangered the cordiality of 
Anglo-Italian relations, had not the esteem of the British 
government for General Ferrero, Italian ambassador in London, 
induced it to overlook the incident. Fortunately for Italy, 
the marquis Visconti Venosta shortly afterwards consented 
to assume the portfolio of foreign affairs, which had been resigned 
by Duke Caetani di Sermoneta, and again to place, after an 
interval of twenty years, his unrivalled experience at the service 
of his country. In September 1896 he succeeded in concluding 
with France a treaty with regard to Tunisia in place of the old 
Italo-Tunisian treaty, denounced by the French Government a 
year previously. During the Greco-Turkish War of 1897 Visconti 
Venosta laboured to maintain the European concert, joined 
Great Britain in preserving Greece from the worst consequences 
of her folly, and lent moral and material aid in establishing an 
autonomous government in Crete. At the same time he mitigated 
the Francophil tendencies of some of his colleagues, accompanied 
King Humbert and Queen Margherita on their visit to Homburg 
in September 1897, and, by loyal observance of the spirit of the 
triple alliance, retained for Italy the confidence of her allies 
without forfeiting the goodwill of France. 

The home administration of the Rudini cabinet compared 
unfavourably with that of foreign affairs. Bound by a secret 
understanding with the Radical leader Cavallotti, an able but 
unscrupulous demagogue, Rudini was compelled to bow to 
Radical exigencies. He threw all the influence of the government 
against Crispi, who was charged with complicity in embezzlements 
perpetrated by Favilla, managing director of the Bologna 
branch of the Bank of Naples. After being subjected to persecu- 
tion for nearly two years, Crispi's character was substantially 
vindicated by the report of a parliamentary commission ap- 
pointed to inquire into his relations with Favilla. True, the 
commission proposed and the Chamber adopted a vote of censure 
upon Crispi's conduct in 1894, when, as premier and minister 
of the interior, he had borrowed £12,000 from Favilla to replenish 
the secret service fund, and had subsequently repaid the money 
as instalments for secret service were in due course furnished by 
the treasury. Though irregular, his action was to some extent 
justified by the depletion of the secret service fund under Giolitti 
and by the abnormal circumstances prevailing in 1893-1894, 
when he had been obliged to quell the insurrections in Sicily 
and Massa-Carrara. But the Rudini-Cavallotti alliance was 
destined to produce other results than those of the campaign 
against Crispi. Pressed by Cavallotti, Rudini in March 1897 
dissolved the Chamber and conducted the general election in 
such a way as to crush by government pressure the partisans of 
Crispi, and greatly to strengthen the (Socialist, Republican and 
Radical) revolutionary parties. More than ever at the mercy 
of the Radicals and of their revolutionary allies, Rudini continued 
so to administer public affairs that subversive propaganda 
and associations obtained unprecedented extension. The effect 
was seen in May 1898, when, in consequence of a rise in the 
price of bread, disturbances occurred in southern Italy. The 
corn duty was reduced to meet the emergency, but the disturbed 
area extended to Naples, Foggia, Bari, Minervino- 
Riots of Murge, Molfetta and thence along the line of railway 
which skirts the Adriatic coast. At Faenza, Piacenza, 
Cremona, Pavia and Milan, where subversive associa- 
tions were stronger, it assumed the complexion of a political revolt. 
From the 7th to the 9th of May Milan remained practically in 


the hands of the mob. A palace was sacked, barricades were 
erected and for forty-eight hours the troops under General 
Bava-Beccaris, notwithstanding the employment of artillery, 
were unable to restore order. In view of these occurrences, 
Rudini authorized the proclamation of a state of siege at Milan, 
Florence, Leghorn and Naples, delegating the suppression of 
disorder to special military commissioners. By these means 
order was restored, though not without considerable loss of life 
at Milan and elsewhere. At Milan alone the official returns 
confessed to eighty killed and several hundred wounded, a total 
generally considered below the real figures. As in 1894, excess- 
ively severe sentences were passed by the military tribunals 
upon revolutionary leaders and other persons considered to have 
been implicated in the outbreak, but successive royal amnesties 
obliterated these condemnations within three years. 

No Italian administration since the death of Depretis under- 
went so many metamorphoses as that of the marquis di Rudini. 
Modified a first time within five months of its forma- 
tion (July 1896) in connexion with General Ricotti's 1°"? 
Army Reform Bill, and again in December 1897, s trucUon. 
when Zanardelli entered the cabinet, it was recon- 
structed for a third time at the end of May 1898 upon the 
question of a Public Safety Bill, but fell for the fourth and last 
time on the 18th of June 1898, on account of public indignation 
at the results of Rudini's home policy as exemplified in the May 
riots. On the 29th of June Rudini was succeeded in the premier- 
ship by General Luigi Pelloux, a Savoyard, whose only title to 
office was the confidence of the king. The Pelloux cabinet 
possessed no clear programme except in regard to the Public 
Safety Bill, which it had taken over from its predecessor. Pre- 
sented to parliament in November 1898, the bill was read a 
second time in the following spring, but its third reading was 
violently obstructed by the Socialists, Radicals and Republicans 
of the Extreme Left. After a series of scenes and scuffles the 
bill was promulgated by royal decree, the decree being post- 
dated to allow time for the third reading. Again obstruction 
precluded debate, and on the 22nd of July 1899 the decree 
automatically acquired force of law, pending the adoption of 
a bill of indemnity by the Chamber. In February 1900 it was, 
however, quashed by the supreme court on a point of procedure, 
and the Public Safety Bill as a whole had again to be presented 
to the Chamber. In view of the violence of Extremist obstruc- 
tion, an effort was made to reform the standing orders of the 
Lower House, but parliamentary feeling ran so high that General 
Pelloux thought it expedient to appeal to the country. The 
general election of June 1900 not only failed to reinforce the 
cabinet, but largely increased the strength of the extreme 
parties (Radicals, Republicans and Socialists), who in the new 
Chamber numbered nearly 100 out of a total of 508. General 
Pelloux therefore resigned, and on the 24th of June a moderate 
Liberal cabinet was formed by the aged Signor Saracco, president 
of the senate. Within five weeks of its formation King Humbert 
was shot by an anarchist assassin named Bresci while leaving 
an athletic festival at Monza, where his Majesty had distributed 
the prizes (29th July 1900). The death of the unfortunate 
monarch, against whom an attempt had previously 
been made by the anarchist Acciarito (22nd April De . a ^ 
1897), caused an outburst of profound sorrow and Humbert 
indignation. Though not a great monarch, King 
Humbert had, by his unfailing generosity and personal courage, 
won the esteem and affection of his people. During the cholera 
epidemic at Naples and Busca in 1884, and the Ischia earth- 
quake of 1885, he, regardless of danger, brought relief and en- 
couragement to sufferers, and rescued many lives. More than 
£100,000 of his civil list was annually devoted to charitable pur- 
poses. Humbert was succeeded by his only son, Victor A lBBem t aa 
Emmanuel III. (b. November n, 1869), a liberal- ofKiag 
minded and well-educated prince, who at the time of Victor 
his father's assassination was returning from a cruise Emmamel 
in the eastern Mediterranean. The remains of King u,m 
Humbert were laid to rest in the Pantheon at Rome beside 
those of his father, Victor Emmanuel II. (9th August). Two 



[1902- 1909 


days later Victor Emmanuel III. swore fidelity to the con- 
stitution before the assembled Houses of Parliament and in 
the presence of his consort, Elena of Montenegro, whom he had 
married in October 1896. 

The later course of Italian foreign policy was marked by 
many vicissitudes. Admiral Canevaro, who had gained distinc- 
tion as commander of the international forces in 
Crete (1896-1898), assumed the direction of foreign 
affairs in the first period of the Pelloux administration. 
His diplomacy, though energetic, lacked steadiness. Soon after 
taking office he completed the negotiations begun by the Rudini 
administration for a new commercial treaty with France (October 
1898), whereby Franco-Italian commercial relations were placed 
upon a normal footing after a breach which had lasted for more 
than ten years. By the despatch of a squadron to South 
America he obtained satisfaction for injuries inflicted thirteen 
years previously upon an Italian subject by the United States 
of Colombia. In December 1898 he convoked a diplomatic 
conference in Rome to discuss secret means for the repression 
of anarchist propaganda and crime in view of the assassination 
of the empress of Austria by an Italian anarchist (Luccheni), 
but it is doubtful whether results of practical value were achieved. 
The action of the tsar of Russia in convening the Peace Conference 
at The Hague in May 1900 gave rise to a question as to the right 
of the Vatican to be officially represented, and Admiral Canevaro, 
supported by Great Britain and Germany, succeeded in prevent- 
ing the invitation of a papal delegate. Shortly afterwards his 
term of office was brought to a close by the failure of an attempt 
to secure for Italy a coaling station at Sanmen and a sphere 
of influence in China; but his policy of active participation in 
Chinese affairs was continued in a modified form by his successor, 
the Marquis Visconti Venosta, who, entering the reconstructed 
Pelloux cabinet in May 1899, retained the portfolio of foreign 
affairs in the ensuing Saracco administration, and secured the 
despatch of an Italian expedition, 2000 strong, to aid in repress- 
ing the Chinese outbreak and in protecting Italian interests 
in the Far East (July 1900). With characteristic foresight, 
Visconti Venosta promoted an exchange of views between Italy 
and France in regard to the Tripolitan hinterland, which the 
Anglo-French convention of 1899 had placed within the French 
sphere of influence — a modification of the status quo ante con- 
sidered highly detrimental to Italian aspirations in Tripoli. 
For this reason the Anglo-French convention had caused pro- 
found irritation in Italy, and had tended somewhat to diminish 
the cordiality of Anglo-Italian relations. Visconti Venosta 
is believed, however, to have obtained from France a formal 
declaration that France would not transgress the limits assigned 
to her influence by the convention. Similarly, in regard to 
Albania, Visconti Venosta exchanged notes with Austria with 
a view to the prevention of any misunderstanding through the 
conflict between Italian and Austrian interests in that part of 
the Adriatic coast. Upon the fall of the Saracco cabinet (9th 
February 1901) Visconti Venosta was succeeded at the foreign 
office by Signor Prinetti, a Lombard manufacturer of strong 
temperament, but without previous diplomatic experience. 
The new minister continued in most respects the policy of his 
predecessor. The outset of his administration was marked 
by Franco-Italian fetes at Toulon (10th to 14th April 1901), 
when the Italian fleet returned a visit paid by the French 
Mediterranean squadron to Cagliari in April 1899; and by the 
despatch of three Italian warships to Prevesa to obtain satis- 
faction for damage done to Italian subjects by Turkish officials. 
The Saracco administration, formed after the obstructionist 
crisis of 1899-1900 as a cabinet of transition and pacification, was 
Zaaar- overthrown in February 1901 in consequence of its 
deiu- vacillating conduct towards a dock strike at Genoa. 

Qiollttl It was succeeded by a Zanardelli cabinet, in which the 
Cab,aet - portfolio of the interior was allotted to Giolitti. Com- 
posed mainly of elements drawn from the Left, and dependent 
for a majority upon the support of the subversive groups of the 
Extreme Left, the formation of this cabinet gave the signal for a 
vast working-class movement, during which the Socialist party 

sought to extend its political influence by means of strikes and 
the organization of labour leagues among agricultural labourers 
and artisans. The movement was confined chiefly to the 
northern and central provinces. During the first six months of 
1 901 the strikes numbered 600, and involved more than 1,000,000 
workmen. (H. W. S.) 

G. 1902-1909 

In 1901-1902 the social economic condition of Italy was a 
matter of grave concern. The strikes and other economic agita- 
tions at this time may be divided roughly into three 
groups: strikes in industrial centres for higher wages, troubles. 
shorter hours and better labour conditions generally; 
strikes of agricultural labourers in northern Italy for better con- 
tracts with the landlords; disturbances among the south Italian 
peasantry due to low wages, unemployment (particularly in 
Apulia), and the claims of the labourers to public land occupied 
illegally by the landlords, combined with local feuds and the 
struggle for power of the various influential families. The 
prime cause in most cases was the unsatisfactory economic 
condition of the working classes, which they realized all the more 
vividly for the very improvements that had been made in it, 
while education and better communications enabled them to 
organize themselves. Unfortunately these genuine grievances 
were taken advantage of by the Socialists for their own purposes, 
and strikes and disorders were sometimes promoted without 
cause and conciliation impeded by outsiders who acted from 
motives of personal ambition or profit. Moreover, while many 
strikes were quite orderly, the turbulent character of a part of 
the Italian people and their hatred of authority often converted 
peaceful demands for better conditions into dangerous riots, in 
which the dregs of the urban population (known as teppisti or the 
mala vita) joined. 

Whereas in the past the strikes had been purely local and due 
to local conditions, they now appeared of more general and 
political character, and the " sympathy " strike came to be a 
frequent and undesirable addition to the ordinary economic 
agitation. The most serious movement at this time was that of 
the railway servants. The agitation had begun some fifteen 
years before, and the men had at various times demanded better 
pay and shorter hours, often with success. The next demand 
was for greater fixity of tenure and more regular promotion, as 
well as for the recognition by the companies of the railwaymen's 
union. On the 4th of January 1902, the employees of the 
Mediterranean railway advanced these demands at a meeting at 
Turin, and threatened to strike if they were not satisfied. By the 
beginning of February the agitation had spread all over Italy, and 
the government was faced by the possibility of a strike which 
would paralyse the whole economic life of the country. Then the 
Turin gas men struck, and a general " sympathy " strike broke 
out in that city in consequence, which resulted in scenes of 
violence lasting two days. The government called out all the 
railwaymen who were army reservists, but continued to keep 
them at their railway work, exercising military discipline over 
them and thus ensuring the continuance of the service. At the 
same time it mediated between the companies and the employees, 
and in June a settlement was formally concluded between the 
ministers of public works and of the treasury and the directors of 
the companies concerning the grievances of the employees. 

One consequence of the agrarian agitations was the increased 
use of machinery and the reduction in the number of hands 
employed, which if it proved advantageous to the landlord and to 
the few labourers retained, who received higher wages, resulted 
in an increase of unemployment. The Socialist party, which had 
grown powerful under a series of weak-kneed administrations, 
now began to show signs of division; on the one hand there was 
the revolutionary wing, led by Signor Enrico Ferri, the Mantuan 
deputy, which advocated a policy of uncompromising class 
warfare, and on the other the riformisti, or moderate Socialists, 
led by Signor Filippo Turati, deputy for Milan, who adopted a 
more conciliatory attitude and were ready to ally themselves with 
other parliamentary parties. Later the division took another 




aspect, the extreme wing being constituted by the sindacalisti, who 
were opposed to all legislative parliamentary action and favoured 
only direct revolutionary propaganda by means of the sindacati or 
unions which organized strikes and demonstrations. In March 
1902 agrarian strikes organized by the leghe broke out in the 
district of Copparo and Polesine (lower valley of the Po), owing 
to a dispute about the labour contracts, and in Apulia on account 
of unemployment. In August there were strikes among the dock 
labourers of Genoa and the iron workers of Florence; the latter 
agitation developed into a general strike in that city, which 
aroused widespread indignation among the orderly part of the 
population and ended without any definite result. At Como 
15,000 textile workers remained on strike for nearly a month, but 
there were no disorders. 

The year 1903, although not free from strikes and minor 
disturbances, was quieter, but in September 1904 a very serious 
situation was brought about by a general economic 
a f^l m, t and political agitation. The troubles began with the 
1904. disturbances at Buggeru in Sardinia and Castelluzzo in 

Sicily, in both of which places the troops were compelled 
to use their arms and several persons were killed and wounded; 
at a demonstration at Sestri Ponente in Liguria to protest 
against what was called the Buggeru " massacre," four cara- 
bineers and eleven rioters were injured. The Monza labour 
exchange then took the initiative of proclaiming a general strike 
throughout Italy (September 15th) as a protest against the 
government for daring to maintain order. The strike spread to 
nearly all the industrial centres, although in many places it was 
limited to a few trades. At Milan it was more serious and lasted 
longer than elsewhere, as the movement was controlled by the 
anarchists under Arturo Labriola; the hooligans committed 
many acts of savage violence, especially against those workmen 
who refused to strike, and much property was wilfully destroyed. 
At Genoa, which was in the hands of the leppisii for a couple of 
days, three persons were killed and 50 wounded, including 14 
policemen, and railway communications were interrupted for a 
short time. Venice was cut off from the mainland for two days 
and all the public services were suspended. Riots broke out also 
in Naples, Florence, Rome and Bologna. The deputies of the 
Extreme Left, instead of using their influence in favour of 
pacification, could think of nothing better than to demand an 
immediate convocation of parliament in order that they might 
present a bill forbidding the troops and police to use their arms in 
all conflicts between capital and labour, whatever the provocation 
might be. This preposterous proposal was of course not even 
discussed, and the movement caused a strong feeling of reaction 
against Socialism and of hostility to the government for its 
weakness; for, however much sympathy there might be with the 
genuine grievances of the working classes, the September strikes 
were of a frankly revolutionary character and had been fomented 
by professional agitators and kept going by the dregs of the 
people. The mayor of Venice sent a firm and dignified protest to 
the government for its inaction, and the people of Liguria raised 
a large subscription in favour of the troops, in recognition of 
their gallantry and admirable discipline during the troubles. 

Early in 1905 there was a fresh agitation among the railway 
servants, who were dissatisfied with the clauses concerning 
the personnel in the bill for the purchase of the lines 
1905. ky the state. They initiated a system of obstruction 

which hampered and delayed the traffic without alto- 
gether suspending it. On the 17th of April a general railway 
strike was ordered by the union, but owing to the action of the 
authorities, who for once showed energy, the traffic was carried 
on. Other disturbances of a serious character occurred among 
the steelworkers of Terni, at Grammichele in Sicily and at 
Alessandria. The extreme parties now began to direct especial 
attention to propaganda in the army, with a view to destroying 
its cohesion and thus paralysing the action of the government. 
The campaign was conducted on the lines of the anti-militarist 
movement in France identified with the name of Herve. Fortu- 
nately, however, this policy was not successful, as military service 
is less unpopular in Italy than in many other countries; aggressive 

militarism is quite unknown, and without it anti-militarism can 
gain no foothold. No serious mutinies have ever occurred in 
the Italian army, and the only results of the propaganda were 
occasional meetings of hooligans, where Herveist sentiments 
were expressed and applauded, and a few minor disturbances 
among reservists unexpectedly called back to the colours. 
In the army itself the esprit de corps and the sense of duty and 
discipline nullified the work of the propagandists. 

In June and July 1907 there were again disturbances among 
the agricultural labourers of Ferraia and Rovigo, and a wide- 
spread strike organized by the leghe throughout those 
provinces caused very serious losses to all concerned. /907> 
The leghisti, moreover, were guilty of much criminal 
violence; they committed one murder and established a veritable 
reign of terror, boycotting, beating and wounding numbers of 
peaceful labourers who would not join the unions, and brutally 
maltreating solitary policemen and soldiers. The authorities, 
however, by arresting a number of the more prominent leaders 
succeeded in restoring order. Almost immediately afterwards an 
agitation of a still less defensible character broke out in various 
towns under the guise of anti-clericalism. Certain scandals 
had come to light in a small convent school at Greco near Milan. 
This was seized upon as a pretext for violent anti-clerical demon- 
strations all over Italy and for brutal and unprovoked attacks 
on unoffending priests; at Spezia a church was set on fire and 
another dismantled, at Marino Cardinal Merry del Val was 
attacked by a gang of hooligans, and at Rome the violence of 
the teppisti reached such a pitch as to provoke reaction on the 
part of all respectable people, and some of the aggressors were 
very roughly handled. The Socialists and the Freemasons were 
largely responsible for the agitation, and they filled the country 
with stories of other priestly and conventual immoralities, 
nearly all of which, except the original case at Greco, proved to 
be without foundation. In September 1907 disorders in 
Apulia over the repartition of communal lands broke out anew, 
and were particularly serious at Ruvo, Bari, Cerignola and 
Satriano del Colle. In some cases there was foundation for the 
labourers' claims, but unfortunately the movement got into the 
hands of professional agitators and common swindlers, and 
the leader, a certain Giampetruzzi, who at one time seemed to 
be a worthy colleague of Marcelin Albert, was afterwards tried 
and condemned for having cheated his own followers. 

In October 1907 there was again a general strike at Milan, 
which was rendered more serious on account of the action of 
the railway servants, and extended to other cities; traffic 
was disorganized over a large part of northern Italy, until the 
government, being now owner of the railways, dismissed the 
ringleaders from the service. This had the desired effect, and 
although the Sindacato del ferrovieri (railway servants' union) 
threatened a general railway strike if the dismissed men were 
not reinstated, there was no further trouble. In the spring of 
1908 there were agrarian strikes at Parma; the labour contracts 
had pressed hardly on the peasantry, who had cause for complaint; 
but while some improvement had been effected in the new 
contracts, certain unscrupulous demagogues, of whom Alceste 
De Ambris, representing the " syndacalist " wing of the Socialist 
party, was the chief, organized a widespread agitation. The 
landlords on their part organized an agrarian union to defend 
their interests and enrolled numbers of non-union labourers to 
carry on the necessary work and save the crops. Conflicts 
occurred between the strikers and the independent labourers 
and the police; the trouble spread to the city of Parma, where 
violent scenes occurred when the labour exchange was occupied 
by the troops, and many soldiers and policemen, whose behaviour 
as usual was exemplary throughout, were seriously wounded. 
The agitation ceased in June with the defeat of the strikers, 
but not until a vast amount of damage had been done to the 
crops and all had suffered heavy losses, including the government, 
whose expenses for the maintenance of public order ran into tens 
of millions of lire. The failure of the strike caused the Socialists 
to quarrel among themselves and to accuse each other of dis- 
honesty in the management of party funds; it appeared in fact 



[1902- 1 909 

that the large sums collected throughout Italy on behalf of the 
strikers had been squandered or appropriated by the "synda- 
calist" leaders. The spirit of indiscipline had begun to reach 
the lower classes of state employees, especially the school teachers 
and the postal and telegraph clerks, and at one time it seemed 
as though the country were about to face a situation similar to 
that which arose in France in the spring of 1909. Fortunately, 
however, the government, by dismissing the ringleader, Dr 
Campanozzi, in time nipped the agitation in the bud, and it 
did attempt to redress some of the genuine grievances. Public 
opinion upheld the government in its attitude, for all persons 
of common sense realized that the suspension of the public 
services could not be permitted for a moment in a civilized 

In parliamentary politics the most notable event in 1902 
was the presentation of a divorce bill by Signor Zanardelli's 
government; this was done not because there was any 
'"cuts' real deman <i Ior it- but to please the doctrinaire 
1902. ' anti-clericals and freemasons, divorce being regarded 
not as a social institution but as a weapon against 
Catholicism. But while the majority of the deputies were 
nominally in favour of the bill, the parliamentary committee 
reported against it, and public opinion was so hostile that an 
anti-divorce petition received 3,500,000 signatures, including 
not only those of professing Catholics, but of free-thinkers and 
Jews, who regarded divorce as unsuitable to Italian conditions. 
The opposition outside parliament was in fact so overwhelming 
that the ministry decided to drop the bill. The financial situa- 
tion continued satisfactory; a new loan at 3!% was voted by 
the Chamber in April 1902, and by June the whole of it had been 
placed in Italy. In October the rate of exchange was at par, 
the premium on gold had disappeared, and by the end of the 
year the budget showed a surplus of sixteen millions. 

In January 1903 Signor Prinetti, the minister for foreign 
affairs, resigned on account of ill-health, and was succeeded by 
Admiral Morin, while Admiral Bettolo took the latter's 
place as minister of marine. The unpopularity of 
the ministry forced Signor Giolitti, the minister of the 
interior, to resign (June 1903), and he was followed by Admiral 
Bettolo, whose administration had been violently attacked by 
the Socialists; in October Signor Zanardelli, the premier, 
resigned on account of his health, and the king entrusted the 
formation of the cabinet to Signor Giolitti. The latter accepted 
the task, and the new administration included Signor Tittoni, 
late prefect of Naples, as foreign minister, Signor Luigi Luzzatti, 
the eminent financier, at the treasury, General Pedotti at the 
war office, and Admiral Mirabello as minister of marine. Almost 
immediately after his appointment Signor Tittoni accompanied 
the king and queen of Italy on a state visit to France and then 
to England, where various international questions were discussed, 
and the cordial reception which the royal pair met with in London 
and at Windsor served to dispel the small cloud which had arisen 
in the relations of the two countries on account of the Tripoli 
agreements and the language question in Malta. The premier's 
programme was not well received by the Chamber, although 
the treasury minister's financial statement was again satisfactory. 
The weakness of the government in dealing with the strike riots 
caused a feeling of profound dissatisfaction, and the so-called 
" experiment of liberty," conducted with the object of conciliat- 
ing the extreme parties, proved a dismal failure. In October 
r904, after the September strikes, the Chamber was dissolved, 
and at the general elections in November a ministerial majority 
was returned, while the deputies of the Extreme Left (Socialists, 
Republicans and Radicals) were reduced from 107 to 94, and 
a few mild clericals elected. The municipal elections in several 
of the larger cities, which had hitherto been regarded as strong- 
holds of socialism, marked an overwhelming triumph for the 
constitutional parties, notably in Milan, Turin and Genoa, for 
the strikes had wrought as much harm to the working classes 
as to the bourgeoisie. In spite of its majority the Giolitti 
cabinet, realizing that it had lost its hold over the country, 
resigned in March 1905. 




Signor Fortis then became premier and minister of the interior, 
Signor Maiorano finance minister and Signor Carcano treasury 
minister, while Signor Tittoni, Admiral Mirabello 
and General Pedotti retained the portfolios they had 
held in the previous administration. The new govern- 
ment was colourless in the extreme, and the premier's programme 
aroused no enthusiasm in the House, the most important bill 
presented being that for the purchase of the railways, which was 
voted in June 1905. But the ministry never had any real hold 
over the country or parliament, and the dissatisfaction caused 
by the modus vivendi with Spain, which would have wrought 
much injury to the Italian wine-growers, led to demonstrations 
and riots, and a hostile vote in the Chamber produced a cabinet 
crisis (December 17, 1905) ; Signor Fortis, however, reconstructed 
the ministry, inducing the marquis di San Giuliano to accept the 
portfolio of foreign affairs. This last fact was significant, as 
the new foreign secretary, a Sicilian deputy and a specialist on 
international politics, had hitherto been one of Signor Sonnino's 
staunchest adherents; his defection, which was but one of many, 
showed that the more prominent members of the Sonnino party 
were tired of waiting in vain for their chief's access to power. 
Even this cabinet was still-born, and a hostile vote in the Chamber 
on the 30th of January 1906 brought about its fall. 

Now at last, after waiting so long, Signor Sonnino's hour had 
struck, and he became premier for the first time. This result 
was most satisfactory to all the best elements in the 
country, and great hopes were entertained that the 
advent of a rigid and honest statesman would usher 
in a new era of Italian parliamentary life. Unfortunately at 
the very outset of its career the composition of the new cabinet 
proved disappointing; for while such men as Count Guicciardini, 
the minister for foreign affairs, and Signor Luzzatti at the 
treasury commanded general approval, the choice of Signor 
Sacchi as minister of justice and of Signor Pantano as minister 
of agriculture and trade, both of them advanced and militant 
Radicals, savoured of an unholy compact between the premier 
and his erstwhile bitter enemies, which boded ill for the success 
of the administration. For this unfortunate combination Signor 
Sonnino himself was not altogether to blame; having lost many 
of his most faithful followers, who, weary of waiting for office, 
had gone over to the enemy, he had been forced to seek support 
among men who had professed hostility to the existing order of 
things and thus to secure at least the neutrality of the Extreme 
Left and make the public realize that the " reddest " of 
Socialists, Radicals and Republicans may be tamed and rendered 
harmless by the offer of cabinet appointments. A similar 
experiment had been tried in France not without success. 
Unfortunately in the case of Signor Sonnino public opinion 
expected too much and did not take to the idea of such a com- 
promise. The new premier's first act was one which cannot be 
sufficiently praised: he suppressed all subsidies to journalists, 
and although this resulted in bitter attacks against him in the 
columns of the " reptile press " it commanded the approval of 
all right-thinking men. Signor Sonnino realized, however, that 
his majority was not to be counted on: " The country is with 
me," he said to a friend, " but the Chamber is against me." 
In April 1906 an eruption of Mount Etna caused the destruction 
of several villages and much loss of life and damage to property; 
in appointing a committee to distribute the relief funds the premier 
refused to include any of the deputies of the devastated districts 
among its members, and when asked by them for the reason of 
this omission, he replied, with a frankness more characteristic 
of the man than politic, that he knew they would prove more 
solicitous in the distribution of relief for their own electors than 
for the real sufferers. A motion presented by the Socialists in 
the Chamber for the immediate discussion of a bill to prevent 
" the massacres of the proletariate " having been rejected by 
an enormous majority, the 28 Socialist deputies resigned their 
seats; on presenting themselves for re-election their number 
was reduced to 25. A few days later the ministry, having received 
an adverse vote on a question of procedure, sent in its resignation 
(May 17). 

I 902- I 909] 



The fall of Signor Sonnino, the disappointment caused by the 
non-fulfilment of the expectations to which his advent to power 
had given rise throughout Italy and the dearth of influential 
statesmen, made the return to power of Signor Giolitti inevitable. 
An appeal to the country might have brought about a different 
result, but it is said that opposition from the highest quarters 
rendered this course practically impossible. The change of 
government brought Signor Tittoni back to the foreign office; 
Signor Maiorano became treasury minister, General Vigano 
minister of war, Signor Cocco Ortu, whose chief claim to con- 
sideration was the fact of his being a Sardinian (the island had 
rarely been represented in the cabinet) minister of agriculture, 
Signor Gianturco of justice, Signor Massimini of finance, Signor 
Schanzer of posts and telegraphs and Signor Fusinato of educa- 
tion. The new ministry began auspiciously with the conversion 
of the public debt from 4% to 3!%, to be eventually reduced 

to 35 

This operation had been prepared by Signor Luzzatti 

under Signor Sonnino's leadership, and although carried out by 
Signor Maiorano it was Luzzatti who deservedly reaped the 
honour and glory; the bill was presented, discussed and voted 
by both Houses on the 29th of June, and by the 7th of July the 
conversion was completed most successfully, showing on how 
sound a basis Italian finance was now placed. The surplus for 
the year amounted to 65,000,000 lire. In November Signor 
Gianturco died, and Signor Pietro Bertolini took his place as 
minister of public works; the latter proved perhaps the ablest 
member of the cabinet, but the acceptance of office under Giolitti 
of a man who had been one of the most trusted and valuable 
lieutenants of Signor Sonnino marked a further step in the 
degringolade of that statesman's party, and was attributed to 
the fact that Signor Bertolini resented not having had a place 
in the late Sonnino ministry. General Vigano was succeeded 
in December by Senator Casana, the first civilian to become 
minister of war in Italy. He made various reforms which were 
badly wanted in army administration, but on the whole the 
experiment of a civilian " War Lord " was not a complete 
success, and in April 1909 Senator Casana retired and was suc- 
ceeded by General Spingardi, an appointment which received 
general approval. 

The elections of March 1909 returned a chamber very slightly 
different from its predecessor. The ministerial majority was 
over three hundred, and although the Extreme Left was some- 
what increased in numbers it was weakened in tone, and many 
of the newly elected " reds " were hardly more than pale pink. 

Meanwhile, the relations between Church and State began to 
show signs of change. The chief supporters of the claims of the 
papacy to temporal power were the clericals of France 
and state. an< ^ Austria, but in the former country they had lost 
all influence, and the situation between the Church and 
the government was becoming every day more strained. 
With the rebellion of her " Eldest Daughter," the Roman 
Church could not continue in her old attitude of uncompromising 
hostility towards United Italy, and the Vatican began to realize 
the folly of placing every Italian in the dilemma of being either a 
good Italian or a good Catholic, when the majority wished to be 
both. Outside of Rome relations between the clergy and the 
authorities were as a rule quite cordial, and in May 1903 Cardinal 
Sarto, the patriarch of Venice, asked for and obtained an audience 
with the king when he visited that city, and the meeting which 
followed was of a very friendly character. In July following Leo 
XIII. died, and that same Cardinal Sarto became pope under the 
style of Pius X. The new pontiff, although nominally upholding 
the claims of the temporal power, in practice attached but little 
importance to it. At the elections for the local bodies the 
Catholics had already been permitted to vote, and, availing 
themselves of the privilege, they gained seats in many municipal 
councils and obtained the majority in some. At the general 
parliamentary elections of 1904 a few Catholics had been elected 
as such, and the encyclical of the 1 ith of June 1905 on the political 
organization of the Catholics, practically abolished the non 
expedit. In September of that year a number of religious institu- 
tions in the Near East, formerly under the protectorate of the 

French government, in view of the rupture between Church and 
State in France, formally asked to be placed under Italian pro- 
tection, which was granted in January 1907. The situation thus 
became the very reverse of what it had been in Crispi's time, 
when the French government, even when anti-clerical, protected 
the Catholic Church abroad for political purposes, whereas the 
conflict between Church and State in Italy extended to foreign 
countries, to the detriment of Italian political interests. A more 
difficult question was that of religious education in the public 
elementary schools. Signor Giolitti wished to conciliate the 
Vatican by facilitating religious education, which was desired 
by the majority of the parents, but he did not wish to offend the 
Freemasons and other anti-clericals too much, as they could 
always give trouble at awkward moments. Consequently the 
minister of education, Signor Rava, concocted a body of rules 
which, it was hoped, would satisfy every one: religious instruction 
was to be maintained as a necessary part of the curriculum, but 
in communes where the majority of the municipal councillors 
were opposed to it it might be suppressed; the council in that 
case must, however, facilitate the teaching of religion to those 
children whose parents desire it. In practice, however, when the 
council has suppressed religious instruction no such facilities are 
given. At the general elections of March 1909, over a score of 
Clerical deputies were returned, Clericals of a very mild tone who 
had no thought of the temporal power and were supporters of the 
monarchy and anti-socialists; where no Clerical candidate was 
in the field the Catholic voters plumped for the constitutional 
candidate against all representatives of the Extreme Left. On 
the other hand, the attitude of the Vatican towards Liberalism 
within the Church was one of uncompromising reaction, and 
under the new pope the doctrines of Christian Democracy and 
Modernism were condemned in no uncertain tone. Don Romolo 
Murri, the Christian Democratic leader, who exercised much 
influence over the younger and more progressive clergy, having 
been severely censured by the Vatican, made formal submission, 
and declared his intention of retiring from the struggle. But he 
appeared again on the scene in the general elections of 1909, as a 
Christian Democratic candidate; he was elected, and alone of the 
Catholic deputies took his seat in the Chamber on the Extreme 
Left, where all his neighbours were violent anti-clericals. 

At 5 a.m. on the 28th of December 1908, an earthquake of 
appalling severity shook the whole of southern Calabria and the 
eastern part of Sicily, completely destroying the cities Earth- 
of Reggio and Messina, the smaller towns of Canitello, quake of 
Scilla, Villa San Giovanni, Bagnara, Palmi, Melito, f££ mber 
Porto Salvo and Santa Eufemia, as well as a large 
number of villages. In the case of Messina the horror of the 
situation was heightened by a tidal wave. The catastrophe was 
the greatest of its kind that has ever occurred in any country; 
the number of persons killed was approximately 150,000, while 
the injured were beyond calculation. 

The characteristic feature of Italy's foreign relations during 
this period was the weakening of the bonds of the Triple Alliance 
and the improved relations with France, while the 
traditional friendship with England remained un- affairs. 
impaired. Franco-Italian friendship was officially 
cemented by the visit of King Victor Emmanuel and Queen 
Elena in October 1903 to Paris where they received a very cordial 
welcome. The visit was returned in April 1904 when M. 
Loubet, the French president, came to Rome; this action was 
strongly resented by the pope, who, like his predecessor since 
1870, objected to the presence of foreign Catholic rulers in Rome, 
and led to the final rupture between France and the Vatican. 
The Franco-Italian understanding had the effect of raising 
Italy's credit, and the Italian rente, which had been shut out 
of the French bourses, resumed its place there once more, a fact 
which contributed to increase its price and to reduce the unfavour- 
able rate of exchange. That agreement also served to clear up 
the situation in Tripoli; while Italian aspirations towards 
Tunisia had been ended by the French occupation of that 
territory, Tripoli and Bengazi were now recognized as coming 
within the Italian ' ' sphere of influence . " The Tripoli hinterland , 

8 4 


i i 902- 1 909 

however, was in danger of being absorbed by other powers 
having large African interests; the Anglo-French declaration 
of the 2 1 st of March 1899 in particular seemed likely to interfere 
with Italian activity. 

The Triple Alliance was maintained and renewed as far as 
paper documents were concerned (in June 1902 it was reconfirmed 
for 12 years), but public opinion was no longer so favourably 
disposed towards it. Austria's petty persecutions of her Italian 
subjects in the irredente provinces, her active propaganda 
incompatible with Italian interests in the Balkans, and the anti- 
Italian war talk of Austrian military circles, imperilled the 
relations of the two " allies "; it was remarked, indeed, that the 
object of the alliance between Austria and Italy was to prevent 
war between them. Austria had persistently adopted a policy 
of pin-pricks and aggravating police provocation towards the 
Italians of the Adriatic Littoral and of the Trentino, while 
encouraging the Slavonic element in the former and the Germans 
in the latter. One of the causes of ill-feeling was the university 
question; the Austrian government had persistently refused 
to create an Italian university for its Italian subjects, fearing 
lest it should become a hotbed of " irredentism," the Italian- 
speaking students being thus obliged to attend the German- 
Austrian universities. An attempt at compromise resulted in 
the institution of an Italian law faculty at Innsbruck, but this 
aroused the violent hostility of the German students and populace, 
who gave proof of their superior civilization by an unprovoked 
attack on the Italians in October 1902. Further acts of violence 
were committed by the Germans in 1903, which led to anti- 
Austrian demonstrations in Italy. The worst tumults occurred 
in November 1904, when Italian students and professors were 
attacked at Innsbruck without provocation; being outnumbered 
by a hundred to one the Italians were forced to use their revolvers 
in self-defence, and several persons were wounded on both sides. 
Anti-Italian demonstrations occurred periodically also at Vienna, 
while in Dalmatia and Croatia Italian fishermen and workmen 
(Italian citizens, not natives) were subject to attacks by gangs 
of half-savage Croats, which led to frequent diplomatic " inci- 
dents." A further cause of resentment was Austria's attitude 
towards the Vatican, inspired by the strong clerical tendencies 
of the imperial family, and indeed of a large section of the 
Austrian people. But the most serious point at issue was the 
Balkan question. Italian public opinion could not view without 
serious misgivings the active political propaganda which Austria 
was conducting in Albania. The two governments frequently 
discussed the situation, but although they had agreed to a self- 
denying ordinance whereby each bound itself not to occupy any 
part of Albanian territory, Austria's declarations and promises 
were hardly borne out by the activity of her agents in the Balkans. 
Italy, therefore, instituted a counter-propaganda by means of 
schools and commercial agencies. The Macedonian troubles of 
1903 again brought Austria and Italy into conflict. The accept- 
ance by the powers of the Miirzsteg programme and the appoint- 
ment of Austrian and Russian financial agents in Macedonia 
was an advantage for Austria and a set-back for Italy; but the 
latter scored a success in the appointment of General de Giorgis 
as commander of the international Macedonian gendarmerie; 
she also obtained, with the support of Great Britain, France 
and Russia, the assignment of the partly Albanian district of 
Monastir to the Italian officers of that corps. 

In October 1908 came the bombshell of the Austrian annexa- 
tion of Bosnia, announced to King Victor Emmanuel and to 
other rulers by autograph letters from the emperor-king. The 
news caused the most widespread sensation, and public opinion 
in Italy was greatly agitated at what it regarded as an act of 
brigandage on the part of Austria, when Signor Tittoni in a speech 
at Carate Brianza (October 6th) declared that " Italy might await 
events with serenity, and that these could find her neither unpre- 
pared nor isolated." These words were taken to mean that Italy 
would receive compensation to restore the balance of power 
upset in Austria's favour. When it was found that there was 
to be no direct compensation for Italy a storm of indignation 
was aroused against Austria, and also against Signor Tittoni. 

On the 29th of October, however, Austria abandoned her 
military posts in the sandjak of Novibazar, and the frontier 
between Austria and Turkey, formerly an uncertain one, which 
left Austria a half-open back door to the Aegean, was now a 
distinct line of demarcation. Thus the danger of a " pacific 
penetration " of Macedonia by Austria became more remote. 
Austria also gave way on another point, renouncing her right to 
police the .Montenegrin coast and to prevent Montenegro from 
having warships of its own (paragraphs 5, 6 and n of art. 29 of 
the Berlin Treaty) in a note presented to the Italian foreign 
office on the 12th of April 1909. Italy had developed some 
important commercial interests in Montenegro, and anything 
which strengthened the position of that principality was a 
guarantee against further Austrian encroachments. The harbour 
works in the Montenegrin port of Antivari, commenced in 
March 1905 and completed early in 1909, were an Italian 
concern, and Italy became a party to the agreement for the 
Danube-Adriatic Railway (June 2, 1908) together with Russia, 
France and Servia; Italy was to contribute 35,000,000 lire out 
of a total capital of 100,000,000, and to be represented by four 
directors out of twelve. But the whole episode was a warning 
to Italy, and the result was a national movement for security. 
Credits for the army and navy were voted almost without a 
dissentient voice; new battleships were laid down, the strength 
of the army was increased, and the defences of the exposed 
eastern border were strengthened. It was clear that so long as 
Austria, bribed by Germany, could act in a way so opposed to 
Italian interests in the Balkans, the Triple Alliance was a 
mockery, and Italy could only meet the situation by being 
prepared for all contingencies. 

Bibliography. — It is difficult to indicate in a short space the 
most important sources of general Italian history, Muratori's great 
collection, the Return Italicarum scriptores. in combination with his 
Dissertationes, the chronicles and other historical material published 
by the Archivio Storico Italiano, and the woiks of detached annalists 
of whom the Villani are the most notable, take first rank. Next we 
may mention Muratori's Annali d' Italia, together with Guicciardini's 
Storia a" Italia and its modern continuation by Carlo Botta. Among 
the more recent contributions S. de Sismondi's Republiques ilaliennes 
(Brussels, 1838) and Carlo Troya's Storia a" Italia nel medio evo are 
among the most valuable general works, while the large Storia 
Politico, d' Italia by various authors, published at Milan, is also im- 
portant — F. Bertolini, / Barbari; F. Lanzani, Storia dei comuni 
italiani dalle origini fino al 1313 (1882); C. Cipolla, Storia delle 
Signorie Italiane dal 1313 al 1530 (iS3i); A. Cosci, V Italia durante 
le preponderanze straniere, 1530-1780 (1875): A. Franchetti, Storia 
d' Italia dal 1789 al 1799; G. de Castro, Storia d' Italia dal 1789 al 
1814 (1881). For the beginnings of Italian history the chief works 
are T. Hodgkin's Italy and her Invaders (Oxford, 1892-1899) and 
P. Villari's Le Invasioni barbariche (Milan, 1900), both based on 
original research and sound scholarship. The period from 1494 to 
modern times is dealt with in various volumes of the Cambridge 
Modern History, especially in vol. i., " The Renaissance," which 
contains valuable bibliographies. Giuseppe Ferrari's Rivoluzioni 
d' Italia (1858) deserves notice as a work of singular vigour, though 
no great scientific importance, and Cesare Balbo's Sommario 
(Florence, 1856) presents the main outlines of the subject with 
brevity and clearness. For the period of the French revolution and 
the Napoleonic wars see F. Lemmi's Le Origini del risorgimento 
italiano (Milan, 1906); E. Bonnal de Ganges, La Chute d'une re- 
publique [Venise] (Paris, 1885); D. Carutti, Storia della corte di 
Savoia durante la rivoluzione e V impero francese (2 vols., Turin, 
1892); G. de Castro, Storia d' Italia dal 1797 al 1814 (Milan, 1881); 
A. Dufourcq, Le Regime jacobin en Italie, 1796-1799 (Paris, 1900); 
A. Franchetti, Storia d' Italia dal 1789 al 1799 (Milan, 1878); P. 
Gaffarel, Bonaparte et les republiques ilaliennes (1796-1799) (Paris, 
1895); R. M. Johnston, The Napoleonic Empire in Southern Italy 
(2 vols., with full bibliography, London, 1904); E. Ramondini, 
V Italia durante la dominazione francese (Naples, 1882); E. Ruth, 
Geschichte des italienischen Volkes unter der napoleonischen Herrschaft 
(Leipzig, 1859). For modern times, see Bolton King's History of 
Italian Unity (1899) and Bolton King and Thomas Okey's Italy 
To-day (1901). With regard to the history of separate provinces it 
may suffice to notice N. Machiaveili's Storia fiorentina, B. Corio's 
Storia di Milano, G. Capponi's Storia della repubblica di Firenze 
(Florence, 1875), P. Villari's / primi due secoli della storia di Firenze 
(Florence, 1905), F. Pagano's Istoria del regno di Napoli (Palermo- 
Naples, 1832, &c), P. Romanin's Storia documentata di Venezia 
(Venice, 1853), M. Amari's Musulmani di Sicilia (1854-1875), 
F. Gregorovius's Geschichte der Stadt Rom (Stuttgart, 1881), A. von 
Reumont's Geschichte der Stadt Rom (Berlin, 1867), L. Cibrario's 
Storia della monarchia piemontese (Turin, 1840), and D. Carutti's 



Storia della diplomazia della corte di Savoia (Rome, 1875). The 
Archivii slorici and Deputazioni di storia patria of the various Italian 
towns and provinces contain a great deal of valuable material for 
local history. From the point of view of papal history, L. von 
Ranke's History of the Popes (English edition, London, 1870), M. 
Creighton's History of the Papacy (London, 1897) and L. Pastor's 
Geschichte der Pdpste (Freiburg i. B., 1886-1896), should be mentioned. 
From the point of view of general culture, Jacob Burckhardt's 
Cultur der Renaissance in Italien (Basel, i860), E. Guinet's Revolu- 
tions d'ltalie (Paris, 1857), and J. A. Symonds's Renaissance in Italy 
(5 vols., London, 1875, &c.) should be consulted. (L. V.*) 

ITEM (a Latin adverb meaning " also," " likewise "), originally 
used adverbially in English at the beginning of each separate 
head in a list of articles, or each detail in an account book or 
ledger or in a legal document. The word is thus applied, as a 
noun, to the various heads in any such enumeration and also 
to a piece of information or news. 

ITHACA ('I0om7), vulgarly Thiaki (OtdKij), next to Paxo 
the smallest of '.he seven Ionian Islands, with an area of about 
44 sq. m. It forms an eparchy of the nomos of Cephalonia in 
the kingdom of Greece, and its population, which was 9873 in 
1870, is now about 13,000. The island consists of two mountain 
masses, connected by a narrow isthmus of hills, and separated 
by a wide inlet of the sea known as the Gulf of Molo. The northern 
and greater mass culminates in the heights of Anoi (2650 ft.), 
and the southern in Hagios Stephanos, or Mount Merovigli 
(2100 ft.). Vathy (Ba0i>="deep "), the chief town and port 
of the island, lies at the northern foot of Mount Stephanos, 
its whitewashed houses stretching for about a mile round the 
deep bay in the Gulf of Molo, to which it owes its name. As 
there are only one or two small stretches of arable land in Ithaca, 
the inhabitants are dependent on commerce for their grain 
supply; and olive oil, wine and currants are the principal 
products obtained by the cultivation of the thin stratum of 
soil that covers the calcareous rocks. Goats are fed in con- 
siderable number on the brushwood pasture of the hills; and 
hares (in spite of Aristotle's supposed assertion of their absence) 
are exceptionally abundant. The island is divided into four 
districts: Vathy, Aeto (or Eagle's Cliff), Anoge (Anoi) or 
Upland, and Exoge (Exoi) or Outland. 

The name has remained attached to the island from the 
earliest historical times with but little interruption of the tradi- 
tion; though in Brompton's travels (12th century) and in the 
old Venetian maps we find it called Fale or Val de Compar, and 
at a later date it not unfrequently appears as Little Cephalonia. 
This last name indicates the general character of Ithacan history 
(if history it can be called) in modern and indeed in ancient times; 
for the fame of the island is almost solely due to its position 
in the Homeric story of Odysseus. Ithaca, according to the 
Homeric epos, was the royal seat and residence of King Odysseus. 
The island is incidentally described with no small variety of 
detail, picturesque and topographical; the Homeric localities 
for which counterparts have been sought are Mount Neritos, 
Mount Neion, the harbour of Phorcys, the town and palace of 
Odysseus, the fountain of Arethusa, the cave of the Naiads, the 
stalls of the swineherd Eumaeus, the orchard of Laertes, the 
Korax or Raven Cliff and the island Asteris, where the suitors 
lay in ambush for Telemachus. Among the " identificationists " 
there are two schools, one placing the town at Polis on the west 
coast in the northern half of the island (Leake, Gladstone, &c), 
and the other at Aeto on the isthmus. The latter site, which 
was advocated by Sir William Gell {Topography and Antiquities 
of Ithaca, London, 1807), was supported by Dr H. Schliemann, 
who carried on excavations in 1873 and 1878 (seeH. Schliemann, 
Ilhaque, le Peloponnese, Troie, Paris, 1869, also published in 
German; his letter to The Times, 26th of September, 1878; 
and the author's life prefixed to Ilios, London, 1880). But 
his results were mainly negative. The fact is that no amount 
of ingenuity can reconcile the descriptions given in the Odyssey 
with the actual topography of this island. Above all, the passage 
in which the position of Ithaca is described offers great difficulties. 
" Now Ithaca lies low, farthest up the sea line towards the 
darkness, but those others face the dawning and the sun " 
(Butcher and Lang). Such a passage fits very ill an island 

lying, as Ithaca does, just to the east of Cephalonia. Accordingly 
Professor W. Dorpfeld has suggested that the Homeric Ithaca 
is not the island which was called Ithaca by the later Greeks, 
but must be identified with Leucas (Santa Maura, q.v.). He 
succeeds in fitting the Homeric topography to this latter island, 
and suggests that the name may have been transferred in con- 
sequence of a migration of the inhabitants. There is no doubt 
that Leucas fits the Homeric descriptions much better than 
Ithaca; but, on the other hand, many scholars maintain that 
it is a mistake to treat the imaginary descriptions of a poet as 
if they were portions of a guide-book, or to look, in the author 
of the Odyssey, for a close familiarity with the geography of the 
Ionian islands. 

See, besides the works already referred to, the separate works on 
Ithaca by Schreiber (Leipzig, 1829) ; Riihle von Lilienstern (Berlin, 
1832); N. Karavias Grivas ('laropia rijs vqarov 'Ifldiojs) (Athens, 
1849); Bowen (London, 1851); and Gandar, (Paris, 1854); Hercher, 
in Hermes (1866); Leake's Northern Greece; Mure's Tour in Greece; 
Bursian's Geogr. von Griechenland; Gladstone, "The Dominions of 
Ulysses," in Macmillan's Magazine (1877) A history of the discus- 
sions will be found in Buchholz, Die Homerischen Realien (Leipzig, 
1871); Partsch, Kephallenia und Ithaka (1890); W. Dorpfeld in 
Melanges Perrot, pp. 79-93 (1903 1 ; P. Goessler, Leukas-Ithaka 
(Stuttgart, 1904). (E. Gr.) 

ITHACA, a city and the county-seat of Tompkins county, 
New York, U.S.A., at the southern end of Cayuga Lake, 60 m. 
S.W. of Syracuse. Pop. (1890) 11,079, (1900) 13,136, of whom 
1310 were foreign-born, (1910 census) 14,802. It is served 
by the Delaware, Lackawanna & Western and the Lehigh 
Valley railways and by interurban electric line; and steam- 
boats ply on the lake. Most of the city is in the level valley, 
from which it spreads up the heights on the south, east and 
west. The finest residential district is East Hill, particularly 
Cornell and Cayuga Heights (across Fall Creek from the Cornell 
campus). Ren wick Beach, at the head of the lake, is a pleasure 
resort. The neighbouring region is one of much beauty, and is 
frequented by summer tourists. Near the city are many water- 
falls, the most notable being Taughannock Falls (9 m. N.), with 
a fall of 215 ft. Through the city from the east run Fall, Cas- 
cadilla and Six Mile Creeks, the first two of which have cut 
deep gorges and have a number of cascades and waterfalls, 
the largest, Ithaca Fall in Fall Creek, being 120 ft. high. Six 
Mile Creek crosses the south side of the city and empties into 
Cayuga Inlet, which crosses the western and lower districts, 
often inundated in the spring. The Inlet receives the waters of 
a number of small streams descending from the south-western 
hills. Among the attractions in this direction are Buttermilk 
Falls and ravine, on the outskirts of the city, Lick Brook Falls 
and glen and Enfield Falls and glen, the last 7 m. distant. 
Fall Creek furnishes good water-power. The city has various 
manufactures, including fire-arms, calendar clocks, traction 
engines, electrical appliances, patent chains, incubators, auto- 
phones, artesian well drills, salt, cement, window glass and wall- 
paper. The value of the factory product increased from 
$1,500,604 in 1900 to $2,080,002 in 1905, or 38-6%. Ithaca 
is also a farming centre and coal market, and much fruit is grown 
in the vicinity. The city is best known as the seat of Cornell 
University {q.v.). It has also the Ezra Cornell Free Library 
of about 28,000 volumes, the Ithaca Conservatory of Music, 
the Cascadilla School and the Ithaca High School. Ithaca 
was settled about 1 789, the name being given to it by Simeon 
De Witt in 1806. It was incorporated as a village in 1821, and 
was chartered as a city in 1888. At Buttermilk Falls stood 
the principal village of the Tutelo Indians, Coreorgonel, 
settled in 1753 and destroyed in 1779 by a detachment of 
Sullivan's force. 

ITINERARIUM {i.e. road-book, from Lat. iter, road), a term 
applied to the extant descriptions of the ancient Roman roads 
and routes of traffic, with the stations and distances. It is 
usual to distinguish two classes of these, Itineraria adnolala or 
scripta and Itineraria picta — the former having the character 
of a book, and the latter being a kind of travelling map. Of 
the Itineraria Scripta the most important are: (1) It. Antonini 
(see Antonini Itinerarium), which consists of two parts, the 



one dealing with roads in Europe, Asia and Africa, and the other 
with familiar sea-routes — the distances usually being measured 
from Rome; (2) //. Hierosolymitanum or Burdigalense, which 
belongs to the 4th century, and contains the route of a pilgrimage 
from Bordeaux to Jerusalem and from Heraclea by Rome to 
Milan (ed. G. Parthey and M. Pinder, 1848, with the Itinerarium 
Anlonini); (3) It. Alexandria containing a sketch of the march- 
route of Alexander the Great, mainly derived from Arrian and 
prepared for Constantius's expedition in a.d. 340-345 against 
the Persians (ed. D. Volkmann, 1871). A collected edition of 
the ancient itineraria, with ten maps, was issued by Fortia 
d'Urban, Recueil des itineraires anciens (1845). Of the Itineraria 
Picta only one great example has been preserved. This is the 
famous Tabula Peutingeriana, which, without attending to the 
shape or relative position of the countries, represents by straight 
lines and dots of various sizes the roads and towns of the whole 
Roman world (facsimile published by K. Miller, 1888; see also 

ITIUS PORTUS, the name given by Caesar to the chief harbour 
which he used when embarking for his second expedition to 
Britain in 54 B.C. (De bello Callico, v. 2). It was certainly 
near the uplands round Cape Grisnez (Promuntorium Itium), 
but the exact site has been violently disputed ever since the 
renaissance of learning. Many critics have assumed that Caesar 
used the same port for his first expedition, but the name does not 
appear at all in that connexion (B. G. iv. 21-23). This fact, 
coupled with other considerations, makes it probable that the 
two expeditions started from different places. It is generally 
agreed that the first embarked at Boulogne. The same view 
was widely held about the second, but T. Rice Holmes in an 
article in the Classical Review (May 1909) gave strong reasons 
for preferring Wissant, 4 m. east of Grisnez. The chief reason is 
that Caesar, having found he could not set sail from the small 
harbour of Boulogne with even 80 ships simultaneously, decided 
that he must take another point for the sailing of the " more 
than 800 " ships of the second expedition. Holmes argues 
that, allowing for change in the foreshore since Caesar's time, 
800 specially built ships could have been hauled above the 
highest spring-tide level, and afterwards launched simultaneously 
at Wissant, which would therefore have been " commodissimus " 
(v. 2) or opposed to " brevissimus traiectus " (iv. 21). 

See T. R. Holmes in Classical Review (May 1909), in which he 
partially revises the conclusions at which he arrived in his Ancient 
Britain (1907), pp. 552-594; that the first expedition started from 
Boulogne is accepted, e.g. by H. Stuart Jones, in English Historical 
Review (1909), xxiv. 115; other authorities in Holmes's article. 

ITO, HIROBUMI, Prince (1841-1909), Japanese statesman, 
was born in 1841, being the son of Ito Juzo, and (like his father) 
began life as a retainer of the lord of Choshu, one of the most 
powerful nobles of Japan. Choshu, in common with many of his 
fellow Daimyos, was bitterly opposed to the rule of the shogun 
or tycoon, and when this rule resulted in the conclusion of the 
treaty with Commodore M. C. Perry in 1854, the smouldering 
discontent broke out into open hostility against both parties 
to the compact. In these views Ito cordially agreed with 
his chieftain, and was sent on a secret mission to Yedo to report 
to his lord on the doings of the government. This visit had the 
effect of causing Ito to turn his attention seriously to the study 
of the British and of other military systems. As a result he 
persuaded Choshu to remodel his army, and to exchange the 
bows and arrows of his men for guns and rifles. But Ito felt 
that his knowledge of foreigners, if it was to be thorough, should 
be sought for in Europe, and with the connivance of Choshu he, 
in company with Inouye and three other young men of the same 
rank as himself, determined to risk their lives by committing 
the then capital offence of visiting a foreign country. With great 
secrecy they made their way to Nagasaki, where they concluded 
an arrangement with the agent of Messrs Jardine, Matheson & Co. 
for passages on board a vessel which was about to sail for 
Shanghai (1863). At that port the adventurers separated, three 
of their number taking ship as passengers to London, while Ito 
and Inouye preferred to work their passages before the mast 

in the "Pegasus," bound for the same destination. For a year these 
two friends remained in London studying English methods, 
but then events occurred in Japan which recalled them to theii 
country. The treaties lately concluded by the shogun with the 
foreign powers conceded the right to navigate the strait of 
Shimonoseki, leading to the Inland Sea. On the northern shores 
of this strait stretched the feudal state ruled over by Prince 
Choshu, who refused to recognize the clause opening the strait, 
and erected batteries on the shore, from which he opened fire 
on all ships which attempted to force the passage. The shdgun 
having declared himself unable in the circumstances to give effect 
to the provision, the treaty powers determined to take the 
matter into their own hands. Ito, who was better aware than 
his chief of the disproportion between the fighting powers of 
Europe and Japan, memorialized the cabinets, begging that 
hostilities should be suspended until he should have had time to 
use his influence with Choshu in the interests of peace. With 
this object Ito hurried back to Japan. But his efforts were 
futile. Choshu refused to give way, and suffered the conse- 
quences of his obstinacy in the destruction of his batteries and 
in the infliction of a heavy fine. The part played by Ito in these 
negotiations aroused the animosity of the more reactionary of 
his fellow-clansmen, who made repeated attempts to assassinate 
him. On one notable occasion he was pursued by his enemies 
into a tea-house, where he was concealed by a young lady beneath 
the floor of her room. Thus began a romantic acquaintance, 
which ended in the lady becoming the wife of the fugitive. 
Subsequently (1868) Ito was made governor of Hiogo, and in the 
course of the following year became vice-minister of finance. 
In 1 87 1 he accompanied Iwakura on an important mission to 
Europe, which, though diplomatically a failure, resulted in the 
enlistment of the services of European authorities on military, 
naval and educational systems. 

After his return to Japan Ito served in several cabinets as 
head of the bureau of engineering and mines, and in 1886 he 
accepted office as prime minister, a post which, when he resigned 
in 1 901, he had held four times. In 1882 he was sent on a 
mission to Europe to study the various forms of constitutional 
government; on this occasion he attended the coronation of the 
tsar Alexander III. On his return to Japan he was entrusted 
with the arduous duty of drafting a constitution. In 1890 he 
reaped the fruits of his labours, and nine years later he was 
destined to witness the abrogation of the old treaties, and the 
substitution in their place of conventions which place Japan on 
terms of equality with the European states. In all the great 
reforms in the Land of the Rising Sun Ito played a leading part. 
It was mainly due to his active interest in military and naval 
affairs that he was able to meet Li Hung-chang at the end of 
the Chinese and Japanese War (1895) as the representative of 
the conquering state, and the conclusion of the Anglo- Japanese 
Alliance in 1902 testified to his triumphant success in raising 
Japan to the first rank among civilized powers. As a reward for 
his conspicuous services in connexion with the Chinese War Ito 
was made a marquis, and in 1897 he accompanied Prince Arisu- 
gawa as a joint representative of the Mikado at the Diamond 
Jubilee of Queen Victoria. At the close of 1901 he again, though 
in an unofficial capacity, visited Europe and the United States; 
and in England he was created a G.C.B. After the Russo- 
Japanese War (1905) he was appointed resident general in Korea, 
and in that capacity he was responsible for the steps taken to 
increase Japanese influence in that country. In September 
1907 he was advanced to the rank of prince. He retired from 
his post in Korea in July 1909, and became president of the 
privy council in Japan. But on the 26th of October, 
when on a visit to Harbin, he was shot dead by a Korean 

He is to be distinguished from Admiral Count Yuko Ito (b. 1843), 
the distinguished naval commander. 

ITRI, a town of Campania, Italy, in the province of Caserta, 
6 m. by road N.W. of Formia. Pop. (1901) 5797. The town is 
picturesquely situated 690 ft. above sea-level, in the mountains 
which the Via Appia traverses between Fondi and Formia. 



Interesting remains of the substruction wall supporting the 
ancient road are preserved in Itri itself; and there are many 
remains of ancient buildings near it. The brigand Fra Diavolo, 
the hero of Auber's opera, was a native of Itri, and the place 
was once noted for brigandage. 

ITURBIDE (or Yturbide), AUGUSTIN DE (1783-1824), 
emperor of Mexico from May 1822 to March 1823, was born on 
the 27th of September 1783, at Valladolid, now Morelia, in 
Mexico, where his father, an Old Spaniard from Pampeluna, 
had settled with his creole wife. After enjoying a better educa- 
tion than was then usual in Mexico, Iturbide entered the military 
service, and in 1810 held the post of lieutenant in the provincial 
regiment of his native city. In that year the insurrection under 
Hidalgo broke out, and Iturbide, more from policy, it would seem, 
than from principle, served in the royal army. Possessed of 
splendid courage and brilliant military talents, which fitted him 
especially for guerilla warfare, the young Creole did signal service, 
and rapidly rose in military rank. In December 1813 Colonel 
Iturbide, along with General Llano, dealt a crushing blow to 
the revolt by defeating Morelos, the successor of Hidalgo, in the 
battle of Valladolid; and the former followed it up by another 
decisive victory at Puruaran in January 1814. Next year Don 
Augustin was appointed to the command of the army of the north 
and to the governorship of the provinces of Valladolid and 
Guanajuato, but in 1816 grave charges of extortion and violence 
were brought against him, which led to his recall. Although 
the general was acquitted, or at least although the inquiry was 
dropped, he did not resume his commands, but retired into private 
life for four years, which, we are told, he spent in a rigid course 
of penance for his former excesses. In 1820 Apodaca, viceroy 
of Mexico, received instructions from the Spanish cortes to 
proclaim the constitution promulgated in Spain in 181 2, but 
although obliged at first to submit to an order by which his 
power was much curtailed, he secretly cherished the design of 
reviving the absolute power for Ferdinand VII. in Mexico. 
Under pretext of putting down the lingering remains of revolt, 
he levied troops, and, placing Iturbide at their head, instructed 
him to proclaim the absolute power of the king. Four years of 
reflection, however, had modified the general's views, and now, 
led both by personal ambition and by patriotic regard for his 
country, Iturbide resolved to espouse the cause of national 
independence. His subsequent proceedings — how he issued the 
Plan of Iguala, on the 24th of February 1821, how by the refusal 
of the Spanish cortes to ratify the treaty of Cordova, which he 
had signed with O'Donoju, he was transformed from a mere 
champion of monarchy into a candidate for the crown, and how, 
hailed by the soldiers as Emperor Augustin I. on the 18th of 
May 1822, he was compelled within ten months, by his arrogant 
neglect of constitutional restraints, to tender his abdication to 
a congress which he had forcibly dissolved — will be found 
detailed under Mexico. Although the congress refused to accept 
his abdication on the ground that to do so would be to recognize 
the validity of his election, it permitted the ex-emperor to retire 
to Leghorn in Italy, while in consideration of his services in 1820 
a yearly pension of £5000 was conferred upon him. But Iturbide 
resolved to make one more bid for power; and in 1824, passing 
from Leghorn to London, he published a Statement, and on the 
1 1 th of May set sail for Mexico. The congress immediately issued 
an act of outlawry against him, forbidding him to set foot on 
Mexican soil on pain of death. Ignorant of this, the ex-emperor 
landed in disguise at Soto la Marina on the 14th of July. He was 
almost immediately recognized and arrested, and on the 19th of 
July 1824 was shot at Padilla, by order of the state of Tamaulipas, 
without being permitted an appeal to the general congress. 
Don Augustin de Iturbide is described by his contemporaries 
as being of handsome figure and ingratiating manner. His 
brilliant courage and wonderful success made him the idol of 
his soldiers, though towards his prisoners he displayed the most 
cold-blooded cruelty, boasting in one of his despatches of having 
honoured Good Friday by shooting three hundred excommuni- 
cated wretches. Though described as amiable in his private 
life, he seems in his public career to have been ambitious and 

unscrupulous, and by his haughty Spanish temper, impatient 
of all resistance or control, to have forfeited the opportunity 
of founding a secure imperial dynasty. His grandson Augustin 
was chosen by the ill-fated emperor Maximilian as his successor. 
See Statement of some of the principal events in the public life of 
Augustin de Iturbide, written by himself (Eng. trans., 1824). 

ITZA, an American-Indian people of Mayan stock, inhabiting 
the country around Lake Peten in northern Guatemala. Chichen- 
Itza, among the most wonderful of the ruined cities .of Yucatan, 
was the capital of the Itzas. Thence, according to their traditions 
they removed, on the breaking up of the Mayan kingdom in 1420, 
to an island in the lake where another city was built. Cortes 
met them in 1525, but they preserved their independence till 
1697, when the Spaniards destroyed the city and temples, and a 
library of sacred books, written in hieroglyphics on bark fibre. 
The Itzas were one of the eighteen semi-independent Maya 
states, whose incessant internecine wars at length brought 
about the dismemberment of the empire of Xibalba and the 
destruction of Mayan civilization. 

ITZEHOE, a town of Germany, in the Prussian province of 
Schleswig-Holstein, on the Stor, a navigable tributary of the 
Elbe, 32 m. north-west of Hamburg and 15 m. north of Gliickstadt. 
Pop. (1900) 15,649. The church of St Lawrence, dating from 
the 1 2 th century, and the building in which the Holstein estates 
formerly met, are noteworthy. The town has a convent founded 
in 1256, a high school, a hospital and other benevolent institu- 
tions. Itzehoe is a busy commercial place. Its sugar refineries 
are among the largest in Germany. Ironfounding, shipbuilding 
and wool-spinning are also carried on, and the manufactures 
include machinery, tobacco, fishing-nets, chicory, soap, cement 
and beer. Fishing employs some of the inhabitants, and the 
markets for cattle and horses are important. A considerable 
trade is carried on in agricultural products and wood, chiefly 
with Hamburg and Altona. 

Itzehoe is the oldest town in Holstein. Its nucleus was a 
castle, built in 809 by Egbert, one of Charlemagne's counts, 
against the Danes. The community which sprang up around 
it was diversely called Esseveldoburg, Eselsfleth and Ezeho. 
In 1201 the town was destroyed, but it was restored in 1224. To 
the new town the Ltibeck rights were granted by Adolphus IV. 
in 1238, and to the old town in 1303. During the Thirty 
Years' War Itzehoe was twice destroyed by the Swedes, in 1644 
and 1657, but was rebuilt on each occasion. It passed to Prussia 
in 1 867, with the duchy of Schleswig-Holstein. 

IUKA, the county-seat of Tishomingo county, Mississippi, 
U.S.A., about 25 m. S.E. of Corinth in the N.E. corner of the 
state and 8 m. S. of the Tennessee river. Pop. (1900) 882; 
(1910) 1221. It is served by the Southern railway, and has 
a considerable trade in cotton and farm products. Its mineral 
springs make it a health resort. In the American Civil War, 
a Confederate force under General Sterling Price occupied the 
town on the 14th of September 1862, driving out a small Union 
garrison; and on the 19th of September a partial engagement 
took place between Price and a Federal column commanded by 
General Rosecrans, in which the Confederate losses were 700 
and the Union 790. Price, whose line of retreat was threatened 
by superior forces under General Grant, withdrew from Iuka 
on the morning of the 20th of September. 

IULUS, in Roman legend: (a) the eldest son of Ascanius 
and grandson of Aeneas, founder of the Julian gens {gens Iulia), 
deprived of his kingdom of Latium by his younger brother 
Silvius (Dion. Halic. i. 70); (b) another name for, or epithet 
of, Ascanius. 

IVAN (John), the name of six grand dukes of Muscovy and 
tsars of Russia. 

Ivan I., called Kalila, or Money-Bag (d. 1341), grand duke 
of Vladimir, was the first sobiratel, or" gatherer " of the scattered 
Russian lands, thereby laying the foundations of the future 
autocracy as a national institution. This he contrived to do by 
adopting a policy of complete subserviency to the khan of the 
Golden Horde, who, in return for a liberal and punctual tribute, 
permitted him to aggrandize himself at the expense of the lesser 



grand dukes. Moscow and Tver were the first to fall. The latter j 
Ivan received from the hand of the khan, after devastating it j 
with a host of 50,000 Tatars (1327). When Alexander of Tver l 
fled to the powerful city of Pskov, Ivan, not strong enough to 1 
attack Pskov, procured the banishment of Alexander by the aid 
of the metropolitan, Theognost, who threatened Pskov with an 
interdict. In 1330 Ivan extended his influence over Rostov 
by the drastic methods of blackmail and hanging. But Great 
Novgorod was too strong for him, and twice he threatened that 
republic in vain. In 1340 Ivan assisted the khan to ravage the 
domains of Prince Ivan of Smolensk, who had refused to pay the 
customary tribute to the Horde. Ivan's own domains, at any 
rate during his reign, remained free from Tatar incursions, and 
prospered correspondingly, thus attracting immigrants and 
their wealth from the other surrounding principalities. Ivan 
was a most careful, not to say niggardly economist, keeping an 
exact account of every village or piece of plate that his money- 
bags acquired, whence his nickname. The most important 
event of his reign was the transference of the metropolitan see 
from Vladimir to Moscow, which gave Muscovy the pre-eminence 
over all the other Russian states, and made the metropolitan 
the ecclesiastical police-superintendent of the grand duke. 
The Metropolitan Peter built the first stone cathedral of Moscow, 
and his successor, Theognost, followed suit with three more stone 
churches. Simultaneously Ivan substituted stone walls for the 
ancient wooden ones of the Kreml', or citadel, which made 
Moscow a still safer place of refuge. 

See S. M. Solov'ev, History of Russia (Rus.), vol. iii. (St Petersburg, 
1895) ; Polezhaev, The Principality of Moscow in the first half of the 
14th Century (Rus.) (St Petersburg, 1878). 

Ivan II. (1326-1359), grand duke of Vladimir, a younger son 
of Ivan Kalita, was born in 1326. In 1353 he succeeded his 
elder brother Simeon as grand duke, despite the competition 
of Prince Constantine of Suzdal, the Khan Hanibek preferring 
to bestow the yarluik, or letter of investiture, upon Ivan rather 
than upon Constantine. At first the principalities of Suzdal, 
Ryazan and the republic of Novgorod refused to recognize him 
as grand duke, and waged war with him till 1354. The authority 
of the grand duchy sensibly diminished during the reign of 
Ivan II. The surrounding principalities paid but little attention 
to Moscow, and Ivan, " a meek, gentle and merciful prince," 
was ruled to a great extent by the tuisyatsky, or chiliarch, Alexis 
Khvost, and, after his murder by the jealous boyars in 1357, by 
Bishop Alexis. He died in 1359. Like most of his predecessors, 
Ivan, by his last will, divided his dominions among his children. 

See Dmitry Ilovaisky, History of Russia (Rus.), vol. ii. (Moscow, 
1 876-1 894). 

Ivan III. (1440-1505), grand duke of Muscovy, son of Vasily 
(Basil) Vasilievich the Blind, grand duke of Moscow, and Maria 
Yaroslavovna, was born in 1440. He was co-regent with his 
father during the latter years of his life and succeeded him in 
1462. Ivan tenaciously pursued the unifying policy of his 
predecessors. Nevertheless, cautious to timidity, like most of 
the princes of the house of Rurik, he avoided as far as possible 
any violent collision with his neighbours until all the circum- 
stances were exceptionally favourable, always preferring to 
attain his ends gradually, circuitously and subterraneously. 
Muscovy had by this time become a compact and powerful state, 
whilst her rivals had grown sensibly weaker, a condition of things 
very favourable to the speculative activity of a statesman of 
Ivan IH.'s peculiar character. His first enterprise was a war 
with the republic of Novgorod, which, alarmed at the growing 
dominancy of Muscovy, had placed herself beneath the protection 
of Casimir IV." king of Poland, an alliance regarded at Moscow 
as an act of apostasy from orthodoxy. Ivan took the field 
against Novgorod in 1470, and after his generals had twice 
defeated the forces of the republic, at Shelona and on the Dvina, 
during the summer of 1471, the Novgorodians were forced to 
sue for peace, which they obtained on engaging to abandon for 
ever the Polish alliance, ceding a considerable portion of their 
northern colonies, and paying a war indemnity of 15,500 roubles. 
From henceforth Ivan sought continually a pretext for destroying 

Novgorod altogether; but though he frequently violated its 
ancient privileges in minor matters, the attitude of the republic 
was so wary that his looked-for opportunity did not come till 
1477. In that year the ambassadors of Novgorod played into 
his hands by addressing him in public audience as " Gosudar " 
(sovereign) instead of " Gospodin " (" Sir ") as heretofore. Ivan 
at once seized upon this as a recognition of his sovereignty, 
and when the Novgorodians repudiated their ambassadors, he 
marched against them. Deserted by Casimir IV., and surrounded 
on every side by the Muscovite armies, which included a Tatar 
contingent, the republic recognized Ivan as autocrat, and 
surrendered (January 14, 1478) all her prerogatives and 
possessions (the latter including the whole of northern Russia 
from Lapland to the Urals) into his hands. Subsequent revolts 
(1479-1488) were punished by the removal en masse of the 
richest and most ancient families of Novgorod to Moscow, 
Vyatka and other central Russian cities. After this, Novgorod, 
as an independent state, ceased to exist. The rival republic 
of Pskov owed the continuance of its own political existence to 
the readiness with which it assisted Ivan against its ancient 
enemy. The other principalities were virtually absorbed, by 
conquest, purchase or marriage contract — Yaroslavl in 1463, 
Rostov in 1474, Tver in 1485. 

Ivan's refusal to share his conquests with his brothers, and 
his subsequent interference with the internal politics of their 
inherited principalities, involved him in several wars with them, 
from which, though the princes were assisted by Lithuania, 
he emerged victorious. Finally, Ivan's new rule of government, 
formally set forth in his last will to the effect that the domains of 
all his kinsfolk, after their deaths, should pass directly to the 
reigning grand duke instead of reverting, as hitherto, to the 
princes' heirs, put an end once for all to these semi-independent 
princelets. The further extension of the Muscovite dominion 
was facilitated by the death of Casimir IV. in 1492, when Poland 
and Lithuania once more parted company. The throne of 
Lithuania was now occupied by Casimir's son Alexander, a weak 
and lethargic prince so incapable of defending his posses- 
sions against the persistent attacks of the Muscovites that he 
attempted to save them by a matrimonial compact, and wedded 
Helena, Ivan's daughter. But the clear determination of 
Ivan to appropriate as much of Lithuania as possible at last 
compelled Alexander in 1499 to take up arms against his father- 
| in-law. The Lithuanians were routed at Vedrosha (July 14, 
1500), and in 1503 Alexander was glad to purchase peace by 
ceding to Ivan Chernigov, Starodub, Novgorod-Syeversk and 
sixteen other towns. 
I It was in the reign of Ivan III. that Muscovy rejected the 
Tatar yoke. In 1480 Ivan refused to pay the customary tribute 
to the grand Khan Ahmed. When, however, the grand khan 
marched against him, Ivan's courage began to fail, and only 
the stern exhortations of the high-spirited bishop of Rostov, 
Vassian, could induce him to take the field. All through the 
autumn the Russian and Tatar hosts confronted each other on 
opposite sides of the Ugra, till the nth of November, when 
Ahmed retired into the steppe. In the following year the grand 
khan, while preparing a second expedition against Moscow, 
was suddenly attacked, routed and slain by Ivak, the khan of 
the Nogai Tatars, whereupon the Golden Horde suddenly fell 
to pieces. In 1487 Ivan reduced the khanate of Kazan (one of 
the offshoots of the Horde) to the condition of a vassal-state, 
though in his later years it broke away from his suzerainty. 
With the other Mahommedan powers, the khan of the Crimea 
and the sultan of Turkey, Ivan's relations were pacific and 
even amicable. The Crimean khan, Mengli Girai, helped him 
against Lithuania and facilitated the opening of diplomatic 
intercourse between Moscow and Constantinople, where the 
first Russian embassy appeared in 1495. 

The character of the government of Muscovy under Ivan III. 
changed essentially and took on an autocratic form which it 
had never had before. This was due not merely to the natural 
consequence of the hegemony of Moscow over the other Russian 
lands, but even more to the simultaneous growth of new and 



exotic principles falling upon a soil already prepared for them. 
After the fall of Constantinople, orthodox canonists were in- 
clined to regard the Muscovite grand dukes as the successors 
by the Byzantine emperors. This movement coincided with a 
change in the family circumstances of Ivan III. After the 
death of his first consort, Maria of Tver (1467), at the suggestion 
of Pope Paul II. (1469), who hoped thereby to bind Russia to the 
holy see, Ivan III. wedded the Catholic Zoe Palaeologa (better 
known by her orthodox name of Sophia), daughter of Thomas, 
despot of the Morea, who claimed the throne of Constantinople 
as the nearest relative of the last Greek emperor. The princess, 
however, clave to her family traditions, and awoke imperial 
ideas in the mind of her consort. It was through her influence 
that the ceremonious etiquette of Constantinople (along with 
the imperial double-headed eagle and all that it implied) was 
adopted by the court of Moscow. The grand duke henceforth 
held aloof from his boyars. The old patriarchal systems of 
government vanished. The boyars were no longer consulted 
on affairs of state. The sovereign became sacrosanct, while 
the boyars were reduced to the level of slaves absolutely de- 
oendent on the will of the sovereign. The boyars naturally 
resented so insulting a revolution, and struggled against it, at 
first with some success. But the clever Greek lady prevailed 
in the end, and it was her son Vasily, not' Maria of Tver's son, 
Demetrius, who was ultimately crowned co-regent with his 
father (April 14, 1502). It was in the reign of Ivan III. that 
the first Russian " Law Book," or code, was compiled by the 
scribe Gusev. Ivan did his utmost to promote civilization in 
his realm, and with that object invited many foreign masters 
and artificers to settle in Muscovy, the most noted of whom was 
the Italian Ridolfo di Fioravante, nicknamed Aristotle because 
of his extraordinary knowledge, who built the cathedrals of the 
Assumption (Uspenski) and of Saint Michael or the Holy Arch- 
angels in the Kreml. 

See P. Pierling, Manage d'un tsar an Vatican, Ivan III et Sophie 
Paleologue (Paris, 1891) ; E. I. Kashprovsky. The Struggle of Ivan III. 
with Sigismund I. (Rus.) (Nizhni, 1899); S. M. Solov'ev, History of 
Russia (Rus.), vol. v. (St Petersburg, 1895). 

Ivan IV., called " the Terrible " (1530-1584), tsar of Muscovy, 
was the son of Vasily [Basil] III. Ivanovich, grand duke of 
Muscovy, by his second wife, Helena Glinska. Born on the 
25th of August 1530, he was proclaimed grand duke on the 
death of his father (1533), and took the government into his own 
hands in 1544, being then fourteen years old. Ivan IV. was in 
every respect precocious; but from the first there was what 
we should now call a neurotic strain in his character. His father 
died when he was three, his mother when he was only seven, and 
he grew up in a brutal and degrading environment where he 
learnt to hold human life and human dignity in contempt. He 
was maltreated by the leading boyars whom successive revolu- 
tions placed at the head of affairs, and hence he conceived an 
inextinguishable hatred of their whole order and a corresponding 
fondness for the merchant class, their natural enemies. At a 
very early age he entertained an exalted idea of his own divine 
authority, and his studies were largely devoted to searching 
' in the Scriptures and the Slavonic chronicles for sanctions and 
precedents for the exercise and development of his right divine. 
He first asserted his power by literally throwing to the dogs the 
last of his boyar tyrants, and shortly afterwards announced his 
intention of assuming the title of tsar, a title which his father 
and grandfather had coveted but never dared to assume publicly. 
On the 1 6th of January 1547, he was crowned the first Russian 
tsar by the metropolitan of Moscow; on the 3rd of February 
in the same year he selected as his wife from among the virgins 
gathered from all parts of Russia for his inspection, Anastasia 
Zakharina-Koshkina, the scion of an ancient and noble family 
better known by its later name of Romanov. 

Hitherto, by his own showing, the private life of the young 
tsar had been unspeakably abominable, but his sensitive con- 
science (he was naturally religious) induced him, in 1530, to 
summon a Zemsky Sobor or national assembly, the first of its 
kind, to whichA made a curious public confession of the sins 
of his youth, yd at the same time promised that the realm of 

Russia (for whose dilapidation he blamed the boyar regents) 
should henceforth be governed justly and mercifully. In 1551 
the tsar submitted to a synod of prelates a hundred questions 
as to the best mode of remedying existing evils, for which reason 
the decrees of this synod are generally called stoglav or centuria. 
The decennium extending from 1550 to 1560 was the good period 
of Ivan IV. 's reign, when he deliberately broke away from his 
disreputable past and surrounded himself with good men of 
lowly origin. It was not only that he hated and distrusted the 
boyars, but he was already statesman enough to discern that they 
could not be fitted into the new order of things which he aimed at 
introducing. Ivan meditated the regeneration of Muscovy, and 
the only men who could assist him in his task were men who 
could look steadily forward to the future because they had no 
past to look back upon, men who would unflinchingly obey their 
sovereign because they owed their whole political significance to 
him alone. The chief of these men of good-will were Alexis 
Adashev and the monk Sylvester, men of so obscure an origin 
that almost every detail of their lives is conjectural, but both 
of them, morally, the best Muscovites of their day. Their in- 
fluence upon the young tsar was profoundly beneficial, and the 
period of their administration coincides with the most glorious 
period of Ivan's reign — the period of the conquest of Kazan and 

In the course of 1551 one of the factions of Kazan offered 
the whole khanate to the young tsar, and on the 20th of August 
1552 he stood before its walls with an army of 150,000 men and 
50 guns. The siege was long and costly; the army suffered 
severely; and only the tenacity of the tsar kept it in camp for 
six weeks. But on the 2nd of October the fortress, which had 
been heroically defended, was taken by assault. The conquest 
of Kazan was an epoch-making event in the history of eastern 
Europe. It was not only the first territorial conquest from the 
Tatars, before whom Muscovy had humbled herself for genera- 
tions; at Kazan Asia, in the name of Mahomet, had fought 
behind its last trench against Christian Europe marshalled 
beneath the banner of the tsar of Muscovy. For the first time the 
Volga became a Russian river. Nothing could now retard the 
natural advance of the young Russian state towards the east and 
the south-east. In 1554 Astrakhan fell almost without a blow 
By 1560 all the Finnic and Tatar tribes between the Oka and the 
Kama had become Russian subjects. Ivan was also the first 
tsar who dared to attack the Crimea. In 1555 he sent Ivan 
Sheremetev against Perekop, and Sheremetev routed the Tatars 
in a great two days' battle at Sudbishenska. Some of Ivan's 
advisers, including both Sylvester and Adashev, now advised 
him to make an end of the Crimean khanate, as he had already 
made an end of the khanal^s of Kazan and Astrakhan. But 
Ivan, wiser in his generation, knew that the thing was impossible, 
in view of the immense distance to be traversed, and the pre- 
dominance of the Grand Turk from whom it would have to be 
wrested. It was upon Livonia that his eyes were fixed, which 
was comparatively near at hand and promised him a seaboard 
and direct communication with western Europe. Ivan IV., like 
Peter I. after him, clearly recognized the necessity of raising 
Muscovy to the level of her neighbours. He proposed to do so 
by promoting a wholesale immigration into his tsardom of 
master-workmen and skilled artificers. But all his neighbours, 
apprehensive of the consequences of a civilized Muscovy, com- 
bined to thwart him. Charles V. even went so far as to disperse 
123 skilled Germans whom Ivan's agent had collected and 
brought to Liibeck for shipment to a Baltic port. After this, 
Ivan was obliged to help himself as best he could. His oppor- 
tunity seemed to have come when, in the middle of the 16th 
century, the Order of the Sword broke up, and the possession 
of Livonia was fiercely contested between Sweden, Poland and 
Denmark. Ivan intervened in 1558 and quickly captured 
Narva, Dorpat and a dozen smaller fortresses; then, in 1560, 
Livonia placed herself beneath the protection of Poland, and 
King Sigismund II. warned Ivan off the premises. 

By this time, Ivan had entered upon the second and eviJ 
portion of his reign. As early as 1553 he had ceased to trust 



Sylvester and Adashev, owing to their extraordinary backward- 
ness in supporting the claims of his infant son to the throne 
while he himself lay at the point of death. The ambiguous and 
ungrateful conduct of the tsar's intimate friends and proteges 
on this occasion has never been satisfactorily explained, and he 
had good reason to resent it. Nevertheless, on his recovery, 
much to his credit, he overlooked it, and they continued to direct 
affairs for six years longer. Then the dispute about the Crimea 
arose, and Ivan became convinced that they were mediocre 
politicians as well as untrustworthy friends. In 1560 both of 
them disappeared from the scene, Sylvester into a monastery 
at his own request, while Adashev died the same year, in honour- 
able exile as a general in Livonia. The death of his deeply 
beloved consort Anastasia and his son Demetrius, and the 
desertion of his one bosom friend Prince Kurbsky, about the 
same time, seem to have infuriated Ivan against God and man. 
During the next ten years (1 560-1 570) terrible and horrible 
things happened in the realm of Muscovy. The tsar himself 
lived in an atmosphere of apprehension, imagining that every 
man's hand was against him. On the 3rd of December 1564 he 
quitted Moscow with his whole family. On the 3rd of January 
1565 he declared in an open letter addressed to the metropolitan 
his intention to abdicate. The common people, whom he had 
always favoured at the expense of the boyars, thereupon im- 
plored him to come back on his own terms. He consented to do 
so, but entrenched himself within a peculiar institution, the 
oprichina or " separate estate." Certain towns and districts all 
over Russia were separated from the rest of the realm, and their 
revenues were assigned to the maintenance of the tsar's new 
court and household, which was to consist of 1000 carefully 
selected boyars and lower dignitaries, with their families and 
suites, in the midst of whom Ivan henceforth lived exclusively. 
The oprichina was no constitutional innovation. The duma, or 
council, still attended to all the details of the administration; 
the old boyars still retained their ancient offices and dignities. 
The only difference was that the tsar had cut himself off from 
them, and they were net even to communicate with him except 
on extraordinary and exceptional occasions. The oprichniki, 
as being the exclusive favourites of the tsar, naturally, in their 
own interests, hardened the tsar's heart against all outsiders, 
and trampled with impunity upon every one beyond the charmed 
circle. Their first and most notable victim was Philip, the 
saintly metropolitan of Moscow, who was strangled for condemn- 
ing the oprichina as an unchristian institution, and refusing to 
bless the tsar (1569). Ivan had stopped at Tver, to murder St 
Philip, while on his way to destroy the second wealthiest city 
in his tsardom — Great Novgorod. A delator of infamous char- 
acter, one Peter, had accused the authorities of the city to the 
tsar of conspiracy; Ivan, without' even confronting the Nov- 
gorodians with their accuser, proceeded at the end of 1569 to 
punish them. After ravaging the land, his own land, like a wild 
beast, he entered the city on the 8th of January 1570, and for 
the next five weeks, systematically and deliberately, day after 
day, massacred batches of every class of the population. Every 
monastery, church, manor-house, warehouse and farm within a 
circuit of 100 m. was then wrecked, plundered and left roofless, 
all goods were pillaged, all cattle destroyed. Not till the 13th 
of February were the miserable remnants of the population 
permitted to rebuild their houses and cultivate their fields 
once more. 

An intermittent and desultory war, with Sweden and Poland 
simultaneously, for the possession of Livonia and Esthonia, 
went on from 1560 to 1582. Ivan's generals (he himself rarely 
took the field) were generally successful at first, and bore down 
their enemies by sheer numbers, capturing scores of fortresses 
and towns. But in the end the superior military efficiency of 
the Swedes and Poles invariably prevailed.. Ivan was also un- 
fortunate in having for his chief antagonist Stephen Bathory, 
one of the greatest captains of the age. Thus all his strenuous 
efforts, all his enormous sacrifices, came to nothing. The West 
was too strong for him. By the peace of Zapoli (January 15th, 
158a) he surrendered Livonia with Polotsk to Bathory, and by 

the truce of Ilyusa he at the same time abandoned Ingria to the 
Swedes. The Baltic seaboard was lost to Muscovy for another 
century and a half. In his latter years Ivan cultivated friendly 
relations with England, in the hope of securing some share in the 
benefits of civilization from the friendship of Queen Elizabeth, 
one of whose ladies, Mary Hastings, he wished to marry, though 
his fifth wife, Martha Nagaya, was still alive. Towards the end 
of his life Ivan was partially consoled foi his failure in the west 
by the unexpected acquisition of the kingdom of Siberia in the 
east, which was first subdued by the Cossack hetman Ermak 
or Yermak in 1581. 

In November 1 580 Ivan in a fit of ungovernable fury at some 
contradiction or reproach, struck his eldest surviving son Ivan, 
a prince of rare promise, whom he passionately loved, a blow 
which proved fatal. In an agony of remorse, he would now have 
abdicated "as being unworthy to reign longer"; but his 
trembling boyars, fearing some dark ruse, refused to obey any one 
but himself. Three years later, on the 18th of March 1584, 
while playing at chess, he suddenly fell backwards in his chair 
and was removed to his bed in a dying condition. At the last 
moment he assumed the hood of the strictest order of hermits, 
and died as the monk Jonah. 

Ivan IV. was undoubtedly a man of great natural ability. His 
political foresight Was extraordinary. He anticipated the 
ideals of Peter the Great, and only failed in realizing them because 
his material resources were inadequate. But admiration of his 
talents must not blind us to his moral worthlessness, nor is it 
right to cast the blame for his excesses on the brutal and vicious 
society in which he lived. The same society which produced his 
infamous favourites also produced St Philip of Moscow, and by 
refusing to listen to St Philip Ivan sank below even the not very 
lofty moral standard of his own age. He certainly left Muscovite 
society worse than he found it, and so prepared the way for 
the horrors of " the Great Anarchy." Personally, Ivan was tall 
and well-made, with high shoulders and a broad chest. His eyes 
were small and restless, his nose hooked, he had a beard and 
moustaches of imposing length. His face had a sinister, troubled 
expression; but an enigmatical smile played perpetually 
around his lips. He was the best educated and the hardest 
worked man of his age. His memory was astonishing, his 
energy indefatigable. As far as possible he saw to everything 
personally, and never sent away a petitioner of the lower orders. 
See S. M. Solov'ev, History of Russia (Rus.) vol. v. (St Petersburg, 
1895); A. Bruckner, Geschichte Russlands bis zum Ende des i8ten 
Jahrhunderts (Gotha, 1896) ; E. Tikhomirov, The first Tsar of 
Moscovy, Ivan IV. (Rus.) (Moscow, 1888); L. G. T. Tidander, 
Kriget mellan Sverige och Ryssland dren 1555-1557 (Vesteras, 1888); 
P. Pierling, Un Arbitrage pontifical au XVI e siecle entre la Pologne 
et la Russie (Bruxelles, 1890); V. V. Novodvorsky, The Struggle for 
Livonia, 1570-1582 (Rus.) (St Petersburg, 1904) ; K. Waliszewski, 
Ivan le terrible (Paris, 1904) ; R. N. Bain, Slavonic Europe, ch. 5 
(Cambridge, 1907). 

Ivan V. 1 (1 666-1 696), tsar of Russia, was the son of Tsar 
Alexius Mikhailovich and his first consort Miloslavzkoya. 
Physically and mentally deficient, Ivan was the mere tool of the 
party in Muscovy who would have kept the children of the tsar 
Alexis, by his second consort Natalia Naruishkina, from the 
throne. In 1682 the party of progress, headed by Artamon 
Matvyeev and the tsaritsa Natalia, passed Ivan over and placed 
his half-brother, the vigorous and promising little tsarevich 
Peter, on the throne. On the 23rd of May, however, the Naruish- 
kin faction was overthrown by the stryeltsi (musketeers), secretly 
worked upon by Ivan's half-sister Sophia, and Ivan was associ- 
ated as tsar with Peter. Three days later he was proclaimed 
" first tsar," in order still further to depress the Naruishkins, and 
place the government in the hands of Sophia exclusively. In 
1689 the name of Ivan was used as a pretext by Sophia in her 
attempt to oust Peter from the throne altogether. Ivan was 
made to distribute beakers of wine to his sister's adherents with 
his own hands, but subsequently, beneath the influence of his 
uncle Prozorovsky, he openly declared that " even for his sister's 
1 Ivan V., if we count from the first grand duke of that name, as 
most Russian historians do; Ivan II., if, with the minority, we 
reckon from Ivan the Terrible as the first Russian tsar. 


9 1 

sake, he would quarrel no longer with his dear brother." During 
the reign of his colleague Peter, Ivan V. took no part whatever 
in affairs, but devoted himself " to incessant prayer and rigorous 
fasting." On the 9th of January 1684 he married Praskovia 
Saltuikova, who bore him five daughters, one of whom, Anne, 
ultimately ascended the Russian throne. In his last years Ivan 
was a paralytic. He died on the 29th of January 1696. 

See R. Nisbet Bain, The First Romanovs (London, 1905); M. P. 
Pogodin, The First Seventeen Years of the Life of Peter the Great (Rus.) 
(Moscow, 1875). 

Ivan VI. (1 740-1 764), emperor of Russia, was the son of 
Prince Antony Ulrich of Brunswick, and the princess Anna 
Leopoldovna of Mecklenburg, and great-nephew of the empress 
Anne, who adopted him and declared him her successor on the 
5th of October 1 740, when he was only eight weeks old. On the 
death of Anne (October 17th) he was proclaimed emperor, and 
on the following day Ernest Johann Biren, duke of Courland, 
was appointed regent. On the fall of Biren (November 8th), 
the regency passed to the baby tsar's mother, though the govern- 
ment was in the hands of the capable vice-chancellor, Andrei 
Osterman. A little more than twelve months later, a coup 
d'etat placed the tsesarevna Elizabeth on the throne (December 
6, 1741), and Ivan and his family were imprisoned in the 
fortress of Dunamiinde (Ust Dvinsk) (December 13, 1742) 
after a preliminary detention at Riga, from whence the new 
empress had at first decided to send them home to Brunswick. 
In June 1 744 they were transferred to Kholmogory on the White 
Sea, where Ivan, isolated from his family, and seeing nobody 
but his gaoler, remained for the next twelve years. Rumours 
of his confinement at Kholmogory having leaked out, he was 
secretly transferred to the fortress of Schliisselburg (1756), 
where he was still more rigorously guarded, the very commandant 
of the fortress not knowing who " a certain arrestant " com- 
mitted to his care really was. On the accession of Peter III. 
the condition of the unfortunate prisoner seemed about to be 
ameliorated, for the kind-hearted emperor visited and sym- 
pathized with him; but Peter himself was overthrown a few 
weeks later. In the instructions sent to Ivan's guardian, Prince 
Churmtyev, the latter was ordered to chain up his charge, and 
even scourge him should he become refractory. On the accession 
of Catherine still more stringent orders were sent to the officer 
in charge of " the nameless one." If any attempt were made 
from outside to release him, the prisoner was to be put to death; 
in no circumstances was he to be delivered alive into any one's 
hands, even if his deliverers produced, the empress's own sign- 
manual authorizing his release. By this time, twenty years of 
solitary confinement had disturbed Ivan's mental equilibrium, 
though he does not seem to have been actually insane. Never- 
theless, despite the mystery surrounding him, he was well aware 
of his imperial origin, and always called himself gosudar(sovereign). 
Though instructions had been given to keep him ignorant, he 
had been taught his letters and could read his Bible. Nor could 
his residence at Schliisselburg remain concealed for ever, and 
its discovery was the cause of his ruin. A sub-lieutenant of the 
garrison, Vasily Mirovich, found out all about him, and formed 
a plan for freeing and proclaiming him emperor. At midnight 
on the 5th of July 1764, Mirovich won over some of the garrison, 
arrested the commandant, Berednikov, and demanded the 
delivery of Ivan, who there and then was murdered by his 
gaolers in obedience to the secret instructions already in their 

See R. Nisbet Bain, The Pupils of Peter the Great (London, 1897); 
M. Semevsky, Ivan VI. Anlonovich (Rus.) (St Petersburg, 1866); 
A. Bruckner, The Emperor Ivan VI. and his Family (Rus.) (Moscow, 
1874); V. A. Bilbasov, Geschichte Catherine II. (vol. ii., Berlin, 
1891-1893). (R. N. B.) 

IVANGOROD, a fortified town of Russian Poland, in the 
government of Lublin, 64 m. by rail S.E. from Warsaw, at the 
confluence of the Wieprz with the Vistula. It is defended by 
nine forts on the right bank of the Vistula and by three on the 
left bank, and, with Warsaw, Novo-Georgievsk and Brest- 
Litovsk, forms the Polish " quadrilateral. '*"" 

IVANOVO-VOZNESENSK, a town of middle Russia, in the 
government of Vladimir, 86 m. by rail N. of the town of Vladimir. 
Pop. (1887) 22,000; (1900) 64,628. It consists of what were 
originally two villages — Ivanovo, dating from the 16th century, 
and Voznesensk, of much more recent date — united into a town 
in 1 86 1. Of best note among the public buildings are the 
cathedral, and the church of the Intercession of the Virgin, 
formerly associated with an important monastery founded in 
1579 and abandoned in 1754. One of the colleges of the town 
contains a public library. Linen-weaving was introduced in 
1751, and in 1776 the manufacture of chintzes was brought from 
Schliisselburg. The town has cotton factories, calico print-works, 
iron-works and chemical works. 

IVARR . BEINLAUSI (d. 873), son of Ragnar Lothbrok, the 
great Viking chieftain, is known in English and Continental 
annals as Inuaer, Ingwar or Hingwar. He was one of the 
Danish leaders in the Sheppey expedition of 855 and was perhaps 
present at the siege of York in 867. The chief incident in his 
life was his share in the martyrdom of St Edmund in 870. He 
seems to have been the leader of the Danes on that occasion, 
and by this act he probably gained the epithet " crudelissimus " 
by which he is usually described. It is probable that he is to be 
identified with Imhar, king of the Norsemen of all Ireland and 
Britain, who was active in Ireland between the years 852 and 
873, the year of his death. 

IVIZA, Ibiza or IvigA, an island in the Mediterranean Sea, 
belonging to Spain, and forming part of the archipelago known as 
the Balearic Islands (q.v.). Pop. (1900) 23,524; area 228 sq. m. 
Iviza lies 50 m. S.W. of Majorca and about 60 m. from Cape San 
Martin on the coast of Spain. Its greatest length from north-east 
to south-west is about 25 m. and its greatest breadth about 13 m. 
The coast is indented by numerous small bays, the principal of 
which are those of San Antonio on the north-west, and of Iviza 
on the south-east. Of all the Balearic group, Iviza is the most 
varied in its scenery and the most fruitful. The hilly parts 
which culminate in the Pico de Atalayasa (1560 ft.), are richly 
wooded. The climate is for the most part mild and agreeable, 
though the hot winds from the African coast are sometimes 
troublesome. Oil, corn and fruits (of which the most important 
are the fig, prickly pear, almond and carob-bean) are the principal 
products; hemp and flax are also grown, but the inhabitants are 
rather indolent, and their modes of culture are very primitive. 
There are numerous salt-pans along the coast, which were 
formerly worked by the Spanish government. Fruit, salt, char- 
coal, lead and stockings of native manufacture are exported. 
The imports are rice, flour, sugar, woollen goods and cotton. 
The capital of the island, and, indeed, the only town of much 
importance — for the population is remarkably scattered — is 
Iviza or La Ciudad (6527), a fortified town on the south-east 
coast, consisting of a lower and upper portion, and possessing 
a good harbour, a 13th-century Gothic collegiate church and an 
ancient castle. Iviza was the see of a bishop from 1782 to 1851. 
South of Iviza lies the smaller and more irregular island of 
Formentera (pop., 1900, 2243; area, 37 sq. m.), which is said to 
derive its name from the production of wheat. With Iviza it 
agrees both in general appearance and in the character of its 
products, but it is altogether destitute of streams. Goats and 
sheep are found in the mountains, and the coasts are greatly 
frequented by flamingoes. Iviza and Formentera are the principal 
islands of the lesser or western Balearic group, formerly known 
as the Pityusae or Pine Islands. 

IVORY, SIR JAMES (1765-1842), Scottish mathematician, 
was born in Dundee in 1765. In 1779 he entered the university 
of St Andrews, distinguishing himself especially in mathematics. 
He then studied theology; but, after two sessions at St Andrews 
and one at Edinburgh, he abandoned all idea of the church, and 
in 1786 he became an assistant-teacher of mathematics and 
natural philosoghy in a newly established academy at Dundee. 
Three years later he became partner in and manager of a flax- 
spinning company at Douglastown in Forfarshire, still, however, 
prosecuting in moments of leisure his favourite studies. He was 
essentially a self-trained mathematician, and was not only deeply 

9 2 


versed in ancient and modern geometry, but also had a full 
knowledge of the analytical methods and discoveries of the conti- 
nental mathematicians. His earliest memoir, dealing with an 
analytical expression for the rectification of the ellipse, is pub- 
lished in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh 
(1796); and this and his later papers on " Cubic Equations " 
(1799) and "Kepler's Problem" (1802) evince great facility 
in the handling of algebraic formulae. In 1804 after the dis- 
solution of the flax-spinning company of which he was manager, 
he obtained one of the mathematical chairs in the Royal Military 
College at Marlow (afterwards removed to Sandhurst); and till 
the year 1816, when failing health obliged him to resign, he dis- 
charged his professional duties with remarkable success. During 
this period he published in the Philosophical Transactions several 
important memoirs, which earned for him the Copley medal in 
1814 and ensured his election as a Fellow of the Royal Society 
in 1815. Of special importance in the history of attractions is 
the first of these earlier memoirs (Phil. Trans., 1809), in which 
the problem of the attraction of a homogeneous ellipsoid upon an 
external point is reduced to the simpler case of the attraction of 
another but related ellipsoid upon a corresponding point interior 
to it. This theorem is known as Ivory's theorem. His later 
papers in the Philosophical Transactions treat of astronomical 
refractions, of planetary perturbations, of equilibrium of fluid 
masses, &c. For his investigations in the first named of these 
he received a royal medal in 1826 and again in 1839. In 1831, 
on the recommendation of Lord Brougham, King William IV. 
granted him a pension of £300 per annum, and conferred on him 
the Hanoverian Guelphic order of knighthood. Besides being 
directly connected with the chief scientific societies of his own 
country, the Royal Society of Edinburgh, the Royal Irish Aca- 
demy, &c, he was corresponding member of the Royal Academy 
of Sciences both of Paris and Berlin, and of the Royal Society of 
Gottingen. He died at London on the 21st of September 1842. 

A list of his works is given in the Catalogue of Scientific Papers of 
the Royal Society of London. 

IVORY (Fr. ivoire, Lat. ebur), strictly speaking a term confined 
to the material represented by the tusk of the elephant, and for 
commercial purposes almost entirely to that of the male elephant. 
In Africa both the male and female elephant produce good-sized 
tusks; in the Indian variety the female is much less bountifully 
provided, and in Ceylon perhaps not more than 1 % of either sex 
have any tusks at all. Ivory is in substance very dense, the pores 
close and compact and filled with a gelatinous solution which 
contributes to the beautiful polish which may be given to it 
and makes it easy to work. It may be placed between bone and 
horn; more fibrous than bone and therefore less easily torn or 
splintered. For a scientific definition it would be difficult to find 
a better one than that given by Sir Richard Owen. He says: ' 
" The name ivory is now restricted to that modification of den- 
tine or tooth substance which in transverse sections or fractures 
shows lines of different colours, or striae, proceeding in the 
arc of a circle and forming by their decussations minute curvi- 
linear lozenge-shaped spaces." These spaces are formed by an 
immense number of exceedingly minute tubes placed very close 
together, radiating outwards in all directions. It is to this 
arrangement of structure that ivory owes its fine grain and 
almost perfect elasticity, and the peculiar marking resembling 
the engine-turning on the case of a watch, by which many people 
are guided in distinguishing it from celluloid or other imitations. 
Elephants' tusks are the upper incisor teeth of the animal, which, 
starting in earliest youth from a semi-solid vascular pulp, grow 
during the whole of its existence, gathering phosphates and other 
earthy matters and becoming hardened as in the formation of 
teeth generally. The tusk is built up in layers, the inside layer 
being the last produced. A large proportion is embedded in the 
bone sockets of the skull, and is hollow for some distance up in a 
conical form, the hollow becoming less and less as it is prolonged 
into a narrow channel which runs along as a thread or as it is 
sometimes called, nerve, towards the point of the tooth. The 
outer layer, or bark, is enamel of similar density to the central 
'Lecture before the Society of Arts (1856). 

part. Besides the elephant's tooth or tusk we recognize as ivory, 
for commercial purposes, the teeth of the hippopotamus, walrus, 
narwhal, cachalot or sperm-whale and of some animals of the 
wild boar class, such as the warthog of South Africa. Practically, 
however, amongst these the hippo and walrus tusks are the only 
ones of importance for large work, though boars' tusks come to the 
sale-rooms in considerable quantities from India and Africa. 

Generally speaking, the supply of ivory imported into Europe 
comes from Africa; some is Asiatic, but much that is shipped 
from India is really African, coming by way of Zanzibar and 
Mozambique to Bombay. A certain amount is furnished by the 
vast stores of remains of prehistoric animals still existing through- 
out Russia, principally in Siberia in the neighbourhood of the 
Lena and other rivers discharging into the Arctic Ocean. The 
mammoth and mastodon seem at one time to have been common 
over the whole surface of the globe. In England tusks have been 
recently dug up — for instance at Dungeness — as long as 12 ft. 
and weighing 200 lb. The Siberian deposits have been worked 
for now nearly two centuries. The store appears to be as in- 
exhaustible as a coalfield. Some think that a day may come 
when the spread of civilization may cause the utter disappearance 
of the elephant in Africa, and that it will be to these deposits 
that we may have to turn as the only source of animal ivory. 
Of late years in England the use of mammoth ivory has shown 
signs of decline. Practically none passed through the London 
sale-rooms during 1 903-1 906. Before that, parcels of 10 to 20 
tons were not uncommon. Not all of it is good; perhaps about 
half of what comes to England is so, the rest rotten; specimens, 
however, are found as perfect and in as fine condition as if 
recently killed, instead of having lain hidden and preserved for 
thousands of years in the icy ground. There is a considerable 
literature (see Shooting) on the subject of big-game hunting, 
which includes that of the elephant, hippopotamus and smaller 
tusk-bearing animals. Elephants until comparatively recent 
times roamed over the whole of Africa from the northern deserts 
to the Cape of Good Hope. They are still abundant in Central 
Africa and Uganda, but civilization has gradually driven them 
farther and farther into the wilds and impenetrable forests of 
the interior. 

The quality of ivory varies according to the districts whence 
it is obtained, the soft variety of the eastern parts of the con- 
tinent being the most esteemed. When in perfect condition 
African ivory should be if recently cut of a warm, transparent, 
mellow tint, with as little as possible appearance of grain or 
mottling. Asiatic ivory is of a denser white, more open in 
texture and softer to work. But it is apt to turn yellow sooner, 
and is not so easy to polish. Unlike bone, ivory requires no 
preparation, but is fit for immediate working. That from the 
neighbourhood of Cameroon is very good, then ranks the ivory 
from Loango, Congo, Gabun and Ambriz; next the Gold Coast, 
Sierra Leone and Cape Coast Castle. That of French Sudan 
is nearly always " ringy," and some of the Ambriz variety also. 
We may call Zanzibar and Mozambique varieties soft; Angola 
and Ambriz all hard. Ambriz ivory was at one time much es- 
teemed, but there is comparatively little now. Siam ivory is 
rarely if ever soft. Abyssinian has its soft side, but Egypt is 
practically the only place where both descriptions are largely 
distributed. A drawback to Abyssinian ivory is a prevalence 
of a rather thick bark. Egyptian is liable to be cracked, from 
the extreme variations of temperature; more so formerly 
than now, since better methods of packing and transit are used. 
Ivory is extremely sensitive to sudden extremes of temperature; 
for this reason billiard balls should be kept where the temperature 
is fairly equable. 

The market terms by which descriptions of ivory are dis- 
tinguished are liable to mislead. They refer to ports of shipment 
rather than to places of origin. For instance, " Malta " ivory 
is a well-understood term, yet there are no ivory producing 
animals in that island. 

Tusks should be regular and tapering in shape, not very 
curved or twisted, for economy in cutting; the coat fine, thin, 
clear and transparent. The substance of ivory is so elastic 



and flexible that excellent riding- whips have been cut longi- 
tudinally from whole tusks. The size to which tusks grow and 
are brought to market depends on race rather than on size of 
elephants. The latter run largest in equatorial Africa. Asiatic 
bull elephant tusks seldom exceed 50 lb in weight, though 
lengths of 9 ft. and up to 150 lb weight are not entirely un- 
known. Record lengths for African tusks are the one presented 
to George V., when prince of Wales, on his marriage (1893), 
measuring 8 ft. 75 in. and weighing 165 lb, and the pair of tusks 
which were brought to the Zanzibar market by natives in 1898, 
weighing together over 450 lb. One of the latter is new in the 
Natural History Museum at South Kensington ; the other is 
in Messrs Rodgers & Co.'s collection at Sheffield. For length 
the longest known are those belonging to Messrs Rowland Ward, 
Piccadilly, which measure n ft. and n ft. 5 in. respectively, 
with a combined weight of 293 lb. Osteodentine, resulting from 
the effects of injuries from spearheads or bullets, is sometimes 
found in tusks. This formation, resembling stalactites, grows 
with the tusk, the bullets or iron remaining embedded without 
trace of their entry. 

The most important commercial distinction of the qualities 
of ivory is that of the hard and soft varieties. The terms are 
difficult to define exactly. Generally speaking, hard or bright 
ivory if, distinctly harder to cut with the saw or other tools. 
It is, as it were, glassy and transparent. Soft contains more 
moisture, stands differences of climate and temperature better, 
and does not crack so easily. The expert is guided by the shape 
of the tooth, by the colour and quality of the bark or skin, and 
by the transparency when cut, or even before, as at the point 
of the tooth. Roughly, a line might be drawn almost centrally 
down the map of Africa, on the west of which the hard quality 
prevails, on the east the soft. In choosing ivory for example 
for knife-handles — people rather like to see a pretty grain, 
strongly marked; but the finest quality in the hard variety, 
which is generally used for them, is the closest and freest from 
grain. The curved or canine teeth of the hippopotamus are 
valuable and come in considerable quantities to the European 
markets. Owen describes this variety as " an extremely dense, 
compact kind of dentine, partially defended on the outside by 
a thin layer of enamel as hard as porcelain; so hard as to strike 
fire with steel." By reason of this hardness it is not at all liked 
by the turner and ivory workers, and before being touched by 
them the enamel has to be removed by acid, or sometimes by 
heating and sudden cooling, when it can be scaled off. The 
texture is slightly curdled, mottled or damasked. Hippo ivory 
was at one time largely used for artificial teeth, but now mostly 
for umbrella and stick-handles; whole (in their natural form) 
for fancy door-handles and the like. In the trade the term is 
not " riverhorse " but " seahorse teeth." Walrus ivory is less 
dense and coarser than hippo, but of fine quality — what there 
is of it, for the oval centre which has more the character of 
coarse bone unfortunately extends a long way up. At one 
time a large supply came to the market, but of late years there 
has been an increasing scarcity, the animals having been almost 
exterminated by the ruthless persecution to which they have 
been subjected in their principal haunts in the northern seas. 
It is little esteemed now, though our ancestors thought highly 
of it. Comparatively large slabs are to be found in medieval 
sculpture of the nth and 12th centuries, and the grips of most 
oriental swords, ancient and modern, are made from it. The 
ivory from the single tusk or horn of the narwhal is not of much 
commercial value except as an ornament or curiosity. Some 
horns attain a length of 8 to 10 ft., 4 in. thick at the base. It 
is dense in substance and of a fair colour, but owing to the 
central cavity there is little of it fit for anything larger than 
napkin-rings. , 

Ivory in Commerce, and its Industrial Applications. — Almost 
the whole of the importation of ivory to Europe was until recent 
years confined to London, the principal distributing mart of 
the world. But the opening up of the Congo trade has placed 
the port of Antwerp in a position which has equalled and, for 
a time, may surpass that of London. Other important markets 

are Liverpool and Hamburg; and Germany, France and Portu- 
gal have colonial possessions in Africa, from which it is imported. 
America is a considerable importer for its own requirements. 
From the German Cameroon alone, according to Schilling, 
there were exported during the ten years ending 1905, 452,100 
kilos of ivory. Mr Buxton estimates the amount of ivory im- 
ported into the United Kingdom at about 500 tons. If we give 
the same to Antwerp we have from these two ports alone no less 
than 1000 tons a year to be provided. Allowing a weight so 
high as 30 ib per pair of tusks (which is far too high, perhaps 
twice too/ high) we should have here alone between thirty and 
forty thousand elephants to account for. It is true that every 
pair of tusks that comes to the market represents a dead elephant, 
but not necessarily by any means a slain or even a recently killed 
one, as is popularly supposed and unfortunately too often 
repeated. By far the greater proportion is the result of stores 
accumulated by natives, a good part coming from animals which 
have died a natural death. Not 20% is live ivory or recently 
killed ; the remainder is known in the trade as dead ivory. 

In 1827 the principal London ivory importers imported 3000 cwt. 

in 1850, 8000 cwt. The highest price up to 1855 was £55 per cwt. 

At the July sales in 1905 a record price was reached for billiard-ball 

teeth of £167 per cwt. The total imports into the United Kingdom 

were, according to Board of Trade returns, in 1890, 14,349 cwt.; 

in 1895, 10,911 cwt.; in 1900, 9889 cwt.; in 1904, 9045 cwt. 

From Messrs Hale & Son's (ivory brokers, 10 Fenchurch Avenue) 

Ivory Report of the second quarterly sales in London, April 1906, 

it appears that the following were offered : — 

From Zanzibar, Bombay, Mozambique and Siam 17 

Egyptian 19I 

West Coast African 11 

Lisbon 1 

Abyssinian 6 J 

Sea horse (hippopotamus teeth) . . . . if 

Walrus J 

Waste ivory io| 


Hard ivory was scarce. West Coast African was principally of the 
Gabun description, and some of very fine quality. There was very 
little inquiry for walrus. The highest prices ranged as follows'. 
Soft East Coast tusks (Zanzibar, Mozambique, Bombay and Siam), 
102 to 143 lb. each £66, 10s. to £75, 10s. per cwt. Billiard-ball 
scrivelloes, £104 per cwt. Cut points for billiard-balls (3! in. to 2| to 
3 in.) £114 to £151 per cwt. Seahorse (for best), 3s. 6d. to 4s. id. 
per lb. Boars' tusks, 6d. to 7d. per lb. 

Quantities of ivory offered to Public auction {from Messrs Hale & 
Son's Reports). 

Zanzibar, Bombay, Mozambique and Siam 




Seahorse teeth and Boars' tusks . 










72 f 















Fluctuations in prices of ivory at the London Sale-Room (from Messrs 
Hale & Son's Charts, which- show the prices at each quarterly 
sale from 1870). 

Billiard Ball pieces .... 











Averages — 

Hard Egyptian 36 to 50 tb. . 






Soft East Indian 50 to 70 lb. 






West Coast African 50 to 70 lb. 






Hard East African 50 to 70 tb. . 






In October 1889 soft East Indian fetched an average of £82 per cwt., 
but in several instances higher prices were realized, and one lot 
reached £88 per cwt. At the Liverpool April sales 1906 about 7i tons 



were offered from Gabun, Angola, and Cameroon (from the last 
5i tons). To the port of Antwerp the imports were 6830 cwt. in 
1904 and 6570 cwt. in 1905; of which 5310 cwt. and 4890 cwt. 
respectively were from the Congo State. 

The leading London sales are held quarterly in Mincing Lane, a 
very interesting and wonderful display of tusks and ivory of all 
kinds being laid out previously for inspection in the great warehouses 
known as the " Ivory Floor " in the London docks. The quarterly 
Liverpool sales follow the London ones, with a short interval. 

The important part which ivory plays in the industrial arts 
not only for decorative, but also for domestic applications is 
hardly sufficiently recognized. Nothing is wasted of this valuable 
product. Hundreds of sacks full of cuttings and shavings, and 
scraps returned by manufacturers after they have used what they 
require for their particular trade, come to the mart. The dust is 
used for polishing, and in the preparation of Indian ink, and even 
for food in the form of ivory jelly. The scraps come in for in- 
laying and for the numberless purposes in which ivory is used for 
small domestic and decorative objects. India, which has been 
called the backbone of the trade, takes enormous quantities 
of the rings left in the turning of billiard-balls, which serve as 
women's bangles, "or for making small toys and models, and in 
other characteristic Indian work. Without endeavouring to 
enumerate all the applications, a glance may be cast at the most 
important of those which consume the largest quantity. Chief 
among these is the manufacture of billiard-balls, of cutlery 
handles, of piano-keys and of brushware and toilet articles. 
Billiard-balls demand the highest quality of ivory; for the best 
balls the soft description is employed, though recently, through 
the competition of bonzoline and similar substitutes, the hard 
has been more used in order that the weight may be assimilated 
to that of the artificial kind. Therefore the most valuable tusks 
of all are those adapted for the billiard-ball trade. The term used 
is " scrivelloes," and is applied to teeth proper for the purpose, 
weighing not over about 7 lb. The division of the tusk into 
smaller pieces for subsequent manufacture, in order to avoid 
waste, is a matter of importance. 

The accompanying diagrams (figs. I and 2) show the method; 
the cuts are made radiating from an imaginary centre of the curve 
of the tusk. In after processes the various trades have their own 
particular methods for making the most of the material. In making 

a billiard-ball of the 
English size the first 
thing to be done is to 
rough out, from the 
cylindrical section, a 
sphere about 2 J in. in 
diameter, which will 
eventually be 2 Vis or 
sometimes for pro- 
fessional players a lit- 
tle larger. One hemi- 
sphere^ — as shown in 
the diagrams (fig. 2) 
— is first turned, and 
the resulting ring de- 
tached with a parting 
tool. The diameter 
is accurately taken 
and the subsequent 
removals taken off in 
other directions. The 
ball is then fixed in 
a wooden chuck, the 
half cylinder re- 
versed, and the operation repeated for the other hemisphere. 
It is now left five years to season and then turned dead true. 
The rounder and straighter the tusk selected for ball-making 
the better. Evidently, if the tusk is oval and the ball the size 
of the least diameter, its sides which come nearer to the bark 
or rind will be coarser and of a different density from those portions 
further removed from this outer skin. The matching of billiard-balls 
is important, for extreme accuracy in weight is essential. It is usual 
to bleach them, as the purchaser — or at any rate the distributing 
intermediary — likes to have them of a dead white. But this is a 
mistake, for bleaching with chemicals takes out the gelatine to some 
extent, alters the quality and affects the density; it also makes them 
more liable to crack, and they are not nearly so nice-looking, Billiard- 
balls should be bought in summer time when the temperature is 
most equable, and gently used till the winter season. On an average 
three balls of fine quality are got out of a tooth. The stock of more 
than one great manufacturer surpasses at times 30,000 in number. 

east indian & zanzibar 
Fig. 1. 

But although ball teeth rose in 1905 to £167 a cwt., the price of 
billiard-balls was the same in 1905 as it was in 1885. Roughly 
speaking, there are about twelve different qualities and prices of 
billiard-balls, and eight of pyramid-and pool-balls, the latter ranging 
from half a guinea to two guineas each. 

The ivory for piano-keys is delivered to the trade in the shape 
of what are known as heads and tails, the former for the parts 
which come under the fingers, the latter for that running up 
between the black keys. The two are joined afterwards on the 
keyboard with extreme accuracy. Piano-keys are bleached, but 
organists for some reason or other prefer unbleached keys. 
The soft variety is mostly used for high-class work and preferably 
of the Egyptian type. 

The great centres of the ivory industry for the ordinary 
objects of common domestic use are in England, for cutlery 
handles Sheffield, for billiard-balls and piano-keys London. For 

Wood Chuck Metal Ring: 

Fig. 2. 

cutlery a large firm such as Rodgers & Sons uses an average of 
some twenty tons of ivory annually, mostly of the hard variety. 
But for billiard-balls and piano-keys America is now a large 
producer, and a considerable quantity is made in France and 
Germany. Brush backs are almost wholly in English hands. 
Dieppe has long been famous for the numberless little ornaments 
and useful articles such as statuettes, crucifixes, little book- 
covers, paper-cutters, combs, serviette-rings and articles de 
Paris generally. And St Claude in the Jura, and Geislingen 
in Wiirtemberg, and Erbach in Hesse, Germany, are amongst 
the most important centres of the industry. India and China 
supply the multitude of toys, models, chess and draughtsmen, 
puzzles, workbox fittings and other curiosities. 

Vegetable Ivory, &c. — Some allusion may be made to vegetable 
ivory and artificial substitutes. The plants yielding the vegetable 
ivory of commerce represent two ormore species of an anomalous genus 
of palms, and are known to botanists as Phytelephas. They are natives 
of tropical South America, occurring chiefly on the banks of the 
river Magdalena, Colombia, always found in damp localities, not 
only, however, on the lower coast region as in Darien, but also at 
a considerable elevation above the sea. They are mostly found in 
separate groves, not mixed with other trees or shrubs. The plant is 
severally known as the " tagua " by the Indians on the banks of the 
Magdalena, as the " anta " on the coast of Darien, and as the " pulli- 
punta " and " homero "in Peru. It is stemless or short-stemmed, 
and crowned with from twelve to twenty very long pinnatifid leaves. 
The plants are dioecious, the males forming higher, more erect 
and robust trunks than the females. The male inflorescence is in 
the form of a simple fleshy cylindrical spadix covered with flowers; 
the female flowers are also in a single spadix, which, however, is 
shorter than in the male. The fruit consists of a conglomerated 
head composed of six or seven drupes, each containing from six to 
nine seeds, and the whole being enclosed in a walled woody covering 
forming altogether a globular head as large as that of a man. A 
single plant sometimes bears at the same time from six to eight of 
these large heads of fruit, each weighing from 20 to 25 lb. In its very 
young state the seed contains a clear insipid fluid, which travellers 
take advantage of to allay thirst. As it gets older this fluid becomes 
milky and of a sweet taste, and it gradually continues to change 
both in taste and consistence until it becomes so hard as to make it 
valuable as a substitute for animal ivory. In their youngand fresh 
state the fruits are eaten with avidity by bears, hogs and other 
animals. The seeds, or nuts as they are usually called when fully 
ripe and hard, are used by the American Indians for making small 
ornamental articles and toys. They are imported into Britain in 
considerable quantities, frequently under the name of " Corozo " 
nuts, a name by which the fruits of some species of Attalea (another 
palm with hard ivory-like seeds) are known in Central America — 
their uses being chiefly for small articles of turnery. Of vegetable 
ivory Great Britain imported in 1904 1200 tons, of which about 400 
tons were re-exported, principally to Germany. It is mainly and 
largely used for coat buttons. 

Many artificial compounds have, from time to time, been tried as 
substitutes for ivory ; amongst them potatoes treated with sulphuric 



acid. Celluloid is familiar to us nowadays. In the form of bonzoline, 
into which it is said to enter, it is used largely for billiard balls; and 
a new French substitute — a caseine made from milk, called gallalith — 
has begun to be much used for piano keys in the cheaper sorts of 
instrument. Odontolite is mammoth ivory, which through lapse of 
time and from surroundings becomes converted into a substance 
known as fossil or blue ivory, and is used occasionally in jewelry 
as turquoise, which it very much resembles. It results from the 
tusks of antediluvian mammoths buried in the earth for thousands 
of years, during which time under certain conditions the ivory 
becomes slowly penetrated with the metallic salts which give it the 
peculiar vivid blue colour of turquoise. 

Ivory Sculpture and the Decorative Arts. — The use of ivory as 
a material peculiarly adapted for sculpture and decoration has 
been universal in the history of civilization. The earliest 
examples which have come down to us take us back to pre- 
historic times, when, so far as our knowledge goes, civilization 
as we understand it had attained no higher degree than that of 
the dwellers in caves, or of the most primitive races. Throughout 
succeeding ages there is continued evidence that no other 
substance — except perhaps wood, of which we have* even fewer 
ancient examples — has been so consistently connected with 
man's art-craftsmanship. It is hardly too much to say that to 
follow properly the history of ivory sculpture involves the study 
of the whole world's art in all ages. It will take us back to the 
most remote antiquity, for we have examples of the earliest 
dynasties of Egypt and Assyria. Nor is there entire default 
when we come to the periods of the highest civilization of Greece 
and Rome. It has held an honoured place in all ages for the 
adornment of the palaces of the great, not only in sculpture 
proper but in the rich inlay of panelling, of furniture, chariots 
and other costly articles. The Bible teems with references to 
its beauty and value. And when, in the days of 'Pheidias, Greek 
sculpture had reached the highest perfection, we learn from- 
ancient writers that colossal statues were constructed — notably 
the " Zeus of Olympia " and the " Athena of the Parthenon." 
The faces, hands and other exposed portions of these figures 
were of ivory, and the question, therefore, of the method of 
production of such extremely large slabs as perhaps were used 
has been often debated. A similar difficulty arises with regard 
to other pieces of considerable size, found, for example, amongst 
consular diptychs. It has been conjectured that some means of 
softening and moulding ivory was known to the ancients, but 
as a matter of fact though it may be softened it cannot be again 
restored to its original condition. If up to the 4th century we 
are unable to point to a large number of examples of sculpture 
in ivory, from that date onwards the chain is unbroken, and 
during the five or six hundred years of unrest and strife from the 
decline of the Roman empire in the 5th century to the dawn of 
the Gothic revival of art in the nth or 12th, ivory sculpture 
alone of the sculptural arts carries on the preservation of types 
and traditions of classic times in central Europe. Most import- 
ant indeed is the role which existing examples of 
ivory carving play in the history of the last two cen- 
turies of the consulates of the Western and Eastern 
empires. Though the evidences of decadence in art 
may be marked, the close of that period brings us 
down to the end of the reign of Justinian (527-563). 
Two centuries later the iconoclastic persecutions in the 
Eastern empire drive westward and compel to settle 
there numerous colonies of monks and artificers. 
Throughout the Carlovingian period, the examples of 
ivory sculpture which we possess in not inconsiderable 
quantity are of extreme importance in the history 
of the early development of Byzantine art in Europe. 
And when the Western world of art arose from its 
torpor, freed itself from Byzantine shackles and 
traditions, and began to think for itself, it is to the 
sculptures in ivory of the Gothic art of the 13th 
and 14th centuries that we turn with admiration 
of their exquisite beauty of expression. Up to about the 
14th century the influence of the church was everywhere 
predominant in all matters relating to art. In ivories, 
as in mosaics, enamels or miniature painting it would be 

difficult to find a dozen examples, from the age of Constantine 
onwards, other than sacred ones or of sacred symbolism. But 
as the period of the Renaissance approached, the influence of 
romantic literature began to assert itself, and a feeling and style 
similar to those which are characteristic of the charming series 
of religious art in ivory, so touchingly conceived and executed, 
meet us in many objects in ivory destined for ordinary domestic 
uses and ornament. Mirror cases, caskets for jewelry or toilet 
purposes, combs, the decoration of arms, or of saddlery or of 
weapons of the chase, are carved and chased with scenes of real 
life or illustrations of the romances, which bring home to us in a 
vivid manner details of the manners and customs, amusements, 
dresses and domestic life of the times. With the Renaissance 
and a return to classical ideas, joined with a love of display and 
of gorgeous magnificence, art in ivory takes a secondary place. 
There is a want of simplicity and of originality. It is the period 
of the commencement of decadence. Then comes the period 
nicknamed rococo, which persisted so long. Ivory carving 
follows the vulgar fashion, is content with copying or adapting, 
and until the revival in our own times is, except in rare instances, 
no longer to be classed as a fine art. It becomes a trade and is in 
the hands of the mechanic of the workshop. In this necessarily 
brief and condensed sketch we have been concerned mainly with 
ivory carving in Europe. It will be necessary to give also, 
presently, some indications enabling the inquirer to follow the 
history — or at least to put him on the track of it — not only in the 
different countries of the West but also in India, China and Japan. 

Prehistoric Ivory Carvings. — These are the result of investiga- 
tions made about the middle of the 19th century in the cave 
dwellings of the Dordogne in France and also of the lake dwellings 
of Switzerland. As records they are unique in the history of 
art. Further than this our wonderment is excited at finding 
these engravings or sculptures in the round, these chiselled 
examples of the art of the uncultivated savage, conceived and exe- 
cuted with a feeling of delicacy and restraint which the most 
modern artist might envy. Who they were who executed them 
must be left to the palaeontologist and geologist to decide. 
We can only be certain that they were contemporary with the 
period when the mammoth and the reindeer still roved freely in 
southern France. The most important examples are the sketch 
of the mammoth (see Painting, Plate I.), on a slab of ivory 
now in the museum of the Jardin des Plantes, the head and 
shoulders of an ibex carved in the round on a piece of reindeer 
horn, and the figure of a woman (instances of representations 
of the human form are most rare) naked and wearing a necklace 
and bracelet. Many of the originals are in the museum at St 
Germain-en-Laye, and casts of a considerable number are in the 
British Museum. 

Ancient Assyrian, Egyptian, Greek and Roman Ivories. — We 
know from ancient writers that the Egyptians were skilled in 

Fig. 3. — Panel with Cartouche, Nineveh. 

ivory carving and that they procured ivory in large quantities 
from Ethiopia. The Louvre possesses examples of a kind of 
flat castanets or clappers, in the form of the curve of the tusks 
themselves, engraved in outline, beautifully modelled hands 

9 6 


forming the tapering points; and large quantities of small 
objects, including a box of plain form and simple decoration 
identified from the inscribed praenomen as the fifth dynasty, 
about 4000 B.C. The British Museum and the museum at Cairo 
are also comparatively rich. But no other collection in the world 
contains such an interesting collection of ancient Assyrian 
ivories as that in the British Museum. Those exhibited number 
some fifty important pieces, and many other fragments are, on 
account of their fragility or state of decay, stowed away. The 
collection is the result of the excavations by Layard about 1840 
on the supposed site of Nineveh opposite the modern city of 
Mosul. When found they were so decomposed from the lapse 
of time as scarcely to bear touching or the contact of the external 
air. Layard hit upon the ingenious plan of boiling in a solution 
of gelatine and thus restoring to them the animal matter which 
had dried up in the course of centuries. Later, the explorations 
of Flinders Petrie and others at Abydos brought to light a con- 
siderable number of sculptured fragments which may be even 
two thousand years older than those of Nineveh. They have 
been exhibited in London and since distributed amongst various 
museums at home and abroad. 

Consular and Official and Private Diptychs. — About fifty of 
the remarkable plaques called " consular diptychs," of the time 

of the three last centuries 
of the consulates of the 
Roman and Greek empire 
have been preserved. They 
range in date from perhaps 
mid-fourth to mid-sixth cen- 
turies, and as with two or 
three exceptions the dates 
are certain it would be diffi- 
cult to overestimate their 
historic or intrinsic value. 
The earliest of absolutely 
certain date is the diptych 
of Aosta (a.d. 408),' the first 
after the recognition of 
Christianity; or, if the 
Monza diptych represents, 
as some think, the Consul 
Stilicon, then we may refer 
back six years earlier. At 
any rate the edict of Theo- 
dosius in a.d. 384, concern- 
ing the restriction of the use 
of ivory to the diptychs of 
the regular consuls, is evi- 
dence that the custom must 
have been long estab- 
lished. According to some 
authorities the beautiful leaf 
of diptych in the Liverpool 
Museum (fig. 4) is a consular 
one and to be ascribed to 
Marcus Julius Philippus 
(a.d. 248). Similarly the 
From photo by w. A. ManseU & Co. Gherardesca leaf in the 

Fig. 4.— Leaf of diptych showing British Museum may be 
combats with stags; in the Liver- accepted as of the Consul 
pool Museum. Marcus Aurelius (a.d. 308). 

But the whole question of 
the half dozen earliest examples is conjectural . With a few notable 
exceptions they show decadence in art. Amongst the finest may 
be cited the leaf with the combats with stags at Liverpool, the dip- 
tych of Probianus at Berlin and the two leaves, one of Anas- 
tasius, the other of Orestes, in the Victoria and Albert Museum. 
The literature concerning these diptychs is voluminous, from the 
time of the erudite treatise by Gori published in 1759 to the 
present day. The latest of certain date is that of Basilius, 
consul of the East in 541, the last of the consuls. The diptychs 
of private individuals or of officials number about sixteen, and 

in the case of the private ones have a far greater artistic value. 
Of these the Victoria and Albert Museum possesses the most 
beautiful leaf of perhaps the finest example of ancient ivory 
sculpture which has come down to us, diptychon Meleretense. 
representing a Bacchante (fig. 5). The other half, which is much 
injured, is in the Cluny Museum. Other important pieces are 
the Aesculapius and Hygeia at Liverpool, the Hippolytus and 
Phaedra at Brescia, the Barberini in the Bargello and at Vienna 
and the Rufius Probianus -at Beilin. Besides the diptychs 
ancient Greek and Roman 
ivories before the recognition 
of Christianity are compara- 
tively small in number and are 
mostly in the great museums of 
the Vatican, Naples, the British 
Museum, the Louvre and the 
Cluny Museum. Amongst them 
are the statuette of Penthea, 
perhaps of" the 3rd century 
(Cluny), a large head of a 
woman (museum of Vienna) 
and the Bellerophon (British 
Museum), nor must those of 
the Roman occupation in 
England and other countries be 
forgotten. Notable instances 
are the plaque and ivory mask 
found at Caerleon. Others are 
now in the Guildhall and British 
Museums, and most continental 
European museums have ex- 
amples connected with their 
own history. 

Early Christian and Early 
Byzantine Ivories. — The few 
examples we possess of Christian 
ivories previous to the time of 
Constantine are not of great 
importance from the point of 
view of the history of art. But 
after that date the ivories which Fig. 5.— Leaf of Roman dip- 

we mav ascribe to the cer,- ^^ representing a Bacchante; 
we _ may ascriDe to tne cen in the victoria and Albert 

tunes from the end of the Museum. 

4th to at least the end of the 

9th become of considerable interest, on account of their connexion 

with the development of Byzantine art in western Europe. 

With regard to exact origins and dates opinions are largely 

divergent. In great part they are due to the carrying on of 

traditions and styles by which the makers of the sarcophagi 

were inspired, and the difficulties of ascription are increased 

when in addition to the primitive elements the influence of 

Byzantine systems introduced many new ideas derived from 

many extraneous sources. The questions involved are of no 

small archaeological, iconographical and artistic importance, 

but it must be admitted that we are reduced to conjecture in 

many cases, and compelled to theorize. And it would seem to be 

impossible to be more precise as to dates than within a margin 

of sometimes three centuries. Then, again, we are met by the, 

question how far these ivories are connected with Byzantine 

art; whether they were made in the West by immigrant Greeks, 

or indigenous works, or purely imported productions. Some 

German critics have endeavoured to construct a system of 

schools, and to form definite groups, assigning them to Rome, 

Ravenna, Milan and Monza. Not only so, but they claim to be 

precise in dating even to a certain decade of a century. But it 

is certainly more than doubtful whether there is sufficient 

evidence on which to found such assumptions. It is at least 

probable that a considerable number of the ivories whose dates 

are given by such a number of critics so wide a range as from 

the 4th to the 10th century are nothing more than the work of 

the monks of the numerous monasteries founded throughout 

the Carlovingian empire, copying and adapting from whatever 



came into their hands. Many of them were Greek immigrants 
exiled at the time of the iconoclastic persecutions. To these 
must be added the Celtic and Anglo-Saxon missionaries, who 
brought with them and disseminated their own national feeling 
and technique. We have to take into account also the relations 
which existed not only with Constantinople but also with the 
great governing provinces of Syria and Egypt. Where all our 
information is so vague, and in the face of so much conflicting 
opinion amongst authorities, it is not unreasonable to hold with 
regard to very many of these ivories that instead of assigning 
them to the age of Justinian or even the preceding century we 
ought rather to postpone their dating from one to perhaps three 
centuries later and to admit that we cannot be precise even 
within these limits. It would be impossible to follow here the 
whole of the arguments relating to this most important period 
of the development of ivory sculpture or to mention a tithe of the 
examples which illustrate it. Amongst the most striking the 
earliest is the very celebrated leaf of a diptych in the British 
Museum representing an archangel (fig. 6). It is generally 

admitted that we have no ivory 
of the 5th or 6th centuries or in 
fact of any early medieval period 
which can compare with it in 
excellence of design and work- 
manship. There is no record (it 
is believed) from whence the 
museum obtained the ivory. 
There are at least plausible 
grounds for surmising that it is 
identical with the " Angelus 
longus eburneus " of a book- 
cover among the books brought 
to England by St Augustine 
which is mentioned in a list of 
things belonging to Christchurch, 
Canterbury (see Dart, A pp. p. 
xviii.). The dating of the four 
Passion plaques, also in the 
British Museum, varies from the 
5th to the 7th century. But 
although most recent authorities 
accept the earlier date, the 
present writer holds strongly that 
they are not anterior to, at 
earliest, the 7th century. Even 
then they will remain, with the 
exception of the Monza oil flask 
and perhaps the St Sabina doors, 
the earliest known representation 
of the crucifixion. The ivory 
vase, with cover, in the British 
Museum, appears to possess de- 
fined elements of the farther 
East, due perhaps to the rela- 
tions between Syria and Christian India or Ceylon. Other 
important early Christian ivories are the series of pyxes, 
the diptych in the treasury of St Ambrogio at Milan, the 
chair of Maximian at Ravenna (most important as a type 
piece), the panel with the "Ascension" in the Bavarian 
National Museum, the Brescia casket, the " Lorsch " bookcovers 
of the Vatican and Victoria and Albert Museum, the Bodleian 
and other bookcovers, the St Paul diptych in the Bargello at 
Florence and the " Annunciation " plaque in the Trivulzio 
collection. So far as unquestionably oriental specimens of 
Byzantine art are concerned they are few in number, but we have 
in the famous Harbaville triptych in the Louvre a super- 
excellent example. 

Gothic Ivories. — The most generally charming period of ivory 
sculpture is unquestionably that which, coincident with the 
Gothic revival in art, marked the beginning of a great and 
lasting change. The formalism imposed by Byzantine traditions 
gave place to a brighter, more delicate and tenderer conception. 
XV. 4 

From photo by W. A. Mansell & Co. 

Fig. 6. — Leaf of Diptych, 
representing Archangel; in 
the British Museum. 

This golden age of the ivory carver — at its best in the 13 th cen- 
tury — was still in evidence during the 14th, and although there 
is the beginning of a transition in style in the 15th century, the 
period of neglect and decadence which set in about the beginning 
of the 16th hardly reached the acute stage until well on into the 
17th. To review the various developments both of religious art 
which reigned almost alone until the 14th century, or of the 
secular side as exemplified in the delightful mirror cases and 
caskets carved with subjects from the romantic stories which 
were so popular, would be impossible here. Almost every great 
museum and famous private collection abounds in examples 
of the well-known diptychs and triptychs and little portable 
oratories of this period. Some, as in a famous panel in the 
British Museum, are marvels of minute workmanship, others of 
delicate openwork and tracery. Others, again, are remarkable 
for the wonderful way in which, in the compass of a few inches, 
whole histories and episodes of the scriptural narratives are 
expressed in the most vivid and telling manner. Charming above 
all are the statuettes of the Virgin and Child which French and 
Flemish art, especially, have handed down to us. Of these the 
Victoria and Albert Museum possesses a representative collec- 

FiG. 7. — Mirror Case, illustrating the Storming of the Castle of 
Love; in the Victoria and Albert Museum. 

tion. Another series of interest is that of the croziers or pastoral 
staves, the development of which the student of ivories will be 
careful to study in connexion with the earlier ones and the 
tau-headed staves. In addition there are shrines, reliquaries, 
bookcovers, liturgical combs, portable altars, pyxes, holy water 
buckets and sprinklers, flabella or liturgical fans, rosaries, memento 
mori, paxes, small figures and groups, and almost every conceiv- 
able adjunct of the sanctuary or for private devotion. It is to 
French or Flemish art that the greater number and the most 
beautiful must be referred. At the same time, to take one 
example only — the diptych and triptych of Bishop Grandison 
in the British Museum — we have evidence that English ivory 
carvers were capable of rare excellence of design and workman- 
ship. Nor can crucifixes be forgotten, though they are of 
extreme rarity before the 17th century. A most beautiful 13th- 
century figure for one — though only a fragment — is in the Victoria 
and Albert Museum. Amongst secular objects of this period, 
besides the mirror cases (fig. 7) and caskets, there are hunting 
horns (the earlier ones probably oriental, or more or less faith- 
fully copied from oriental models), chess and draughtsmen 
(especially the curious set from the isle of Lewis), combs, marriage 
coffers (at one period remarkable Italian ones of bone), memor- 
andum tablets, seals, the pommels and cantles of saddles and a 


9 8 


unique harp now in the Louvre. The above enumeration will 
alone suffice to show that the inquirer must be referred for 
details to the numerous works which treat of medieval ivory 

Ivory Sculpture from the 16th to the igth Century. — Compared 
with the wealth of ivory carving of the two preceding centuries, 
the 15th, and especially the 16th, centuries are singularly poor in 
really fine work. But before we arrive at the period of real 
decadence we shall come across such things as the knife of 
Diana of Poitiers in the Louvre, the sceptre of Louis XIII. , the 
Rothschild hunting horn, many Italian powder horns, the 
German Psyche in the Louvre, or the " Young Girl and Death " 
in the Munich Museum, in which there is undoubtedly originality 
and talent of the first order. The practice of ivory carving 
became extremely popular throughout the 17th and 18th 
centuries, especially in the Netherlands and in Germany, and the 
amount of ivory consumed must have been very great. But, 
with rare exceptions, and these for the most part Flemish, it is 
art of an inferior kind, which seems to have been abandoned to 
second-rate sculptors and the artisans of the workshop. There is 
little originality, the rococo styles run riot, and we seem to be 
condemned to wade through an interminable series of gods and 
goddesses, bacchanalians and satyrs, pseudo-classical copies 
from the antique and imitations of the schools of Rubens. As a 
matter of fact few great museums, except the German ones, 
care to include in their collections examples of these periods. 
Some exceptions are made in the case of Flemish sculptors of 
such talent as Francois Duquesnoy (Fiammingo), Gerard van 
Obstal or Lucas Fayd'herbe. In a lesser degree, in Germany, 
Christoph Angermair, Leonhard Kern, Bernhaid Strauss, 
Elhafen, Kruger and Rauchmiller; and, in France, Jean Guiller- 
min, David le Marchand and Jean Cavalier. Crucifixes were 
turned out in enormous numbers, some of not inconsiderable 
merit, but, for the most part, they represent anatomical exercises 
varying but slightly from a pattern of which a celebrated one 
atributed to Faistenberger may be taken as a type. Tankards 
abound, and some, notably the one in the Jones collection, than 
which perhaps no finer example exists, are also of a high standard. 
Duquesnoy's work is well illustrated by the charming series of 
six plaques in the Victoria and Albert Museum known as the 
" Fiammingo boys." Amongst the crowd of objects in ivory 
of all descriptions of the early 18th century, the many examples 
of the curious implements known as rappoirs, or tobacco graters, 
should be noticed. It may perhaps be necessary to add that 
although the character of art in ivory in these periods is not of 
the highest, the subject is not one entirely unworthy of attention 
and study, and there are a certain number of remarkable and 
even admirable examples. 

Ivory Sculpture of Spain, Portugal, India, China and Japan. — 
Generally speaking, with regard to Spain and Portugal, there is 
little reason to do otherwise than confine our attention to a certain 
class of important Moorish or Hispano-Moresque ivories of the 
time of the Arab occupation of the Peninsula, from the 8th to the 
15th centuries. Some fine examples are in the Victoria and 
Albert Museum. Of Portuguese work there is little except the 
hybrid productions of Goa and the Portuguese settlements in the 
East. Some mention must be made also of the remarkable 
examples of mixed Portuguese and savage art from Benin, now 
in the British Museum. Of Indian ivory carving the India 
Museum at Kensington supplies a very large and varied collection 
which has no equal elsewhere. But there is little older than the 
17th century, nor can it be said that Indian art in ivory can 
occupy a very high place in the history of the art. What we 
know of Chinese carving in ivory is confined to those examples 
which are turned out for the European market, and can hardly 
be considered as appealing very strongly to cultivated tastes. 
A brief reference to the well-known delightful netsukes and the 
characteristic inlaid work must suffice here for the ivories of 
Japan (see Japan: Art). 

Ivory Sculpture in the igth Century and of the Present Day. — 
Few people are aware of the extent to which modern ivory sculp- 
ture is practised by distinguished artists. Year by year, however, 

a certain amount is exhibited in the Royal Academy and in most 
foreign salons, but in England the works — necessarily not very 
numerous — are soon absorbed in private collections. On the 
European continent, on the contrary, in such galleries as the 
Belgian state collections or the Luxembourg, examples are 
frequently acquired and exhibited. In Belgium the acquisition 
of the Congo and the considerable import of ivory therefrom 
gave encouragement to a definite revival of the art. Important 
exhibitions have been held in Belgium, and a notable one in 
Paris in 1904. Though ivory carving is as expensive as marble 
sculpture, all sculptors delight in following it, and the material 
entails no special knowledge or training. Of 19th-century artists 
there were in France amongst the best known, besides numerous 
minor workers of Dieppe and St Claude, Augustin Moreau, 
Vautier, Soitoux, Belleteste, Meugniot, Pradier, Triqueti and 
Gerome; and in the first decade of the 20th century, besides 
such distinguished names in the first rank as Jean Dampt and 
Theodore Riviere, there were Vever, Gardet, Caron, Barrias, 
Allouard, Ferrary and many others. Nor must the decorative 
work of Rene Lalique be omitted. No less than forty Belgian 
sculptors exhibited work in ivory at the Brussels exhibition of 
1887. The list included artists of such distinction as J. Dillens, 
Constantin Meunier, van der Stappen, Khnopff, P. Wolfers, 
Samuel and Paul de Vigne, and amongst contemporary Belgian 
sculptors are also van Beurden, G. Devreese, Vincotte, de 
Tombay and Lagae. In England the most notable work includes 
the " Lamia " of George Frampton, the " St Elizabeth " of Alfred 
Gilbert, the " Mors Janua Vitae " of Harry Bates, the " Launce- 
lot " of W. Reynolds-Stephens and the use of ivory in the applied 
arts by Lynn Jenkins, A. G. Walker, Alexander Fisher and 

Authorities. — See generally A. Maskell, Ivories (1906), and the 
bibliography there given. 

On Early Christian and Early Byzantine ivories, the following 
works may be mentioned: Abbe Cabrol, Dictionnaire de V archeologie 
chretienne (in progress); O. M. Dalton, Catalogue of Early Christian 
Antiquities in British Museum (1902); E. Dobbert, Zur Geschichte 
der Elfenbeinsculptur (1885); H. Graeven, Antike Schnitzereien 
(1903) ; R. Kanzler, Gli avori . . . Vaticana (1903) ; Kondakov, 
V Art byzantin; A. Maskell, Cantor Lectures, Soc. of Arts (1906) 
(lecture II., "Early Christian and Early Byzantine Ivories"); 
Strzygowski, Byzantinische Denkmdler (1891); V. Schulze, Archdo- 
logie der altchristlichen Kunst (1895); G. Stuhlfauth, Die altchristl. 
Elfenbeinplastik (1896). 

On the consular diptychs, see H. F. Clinton, Fasti Romani (1845- 
1850); A. Gori, Thesaurus veterum diptychorum (1759); C. Lenor- 
mant, Tresor de numismatique et de glyptique (1834-1846) ; F. Pulszky, 
Catalogue of the Fejervdry Ivories (1856). 

On the artistic interest generally, see also C. Alabaster, Catalogue 
of Chinese Objects in the South Kensington Museum; Sir R. Alcock, 
Art and Art Industries in Japan (1878) ; Barraud et Martin, Le Bdton 
pastoral (1856); Bouchot, Les Reliures d'art a la Bibliotheque Natio- 
nale; Bretagne, Sur les peignes liturgiques; H. Cole, Indian Art 
at Delhi (1904); R. Garrucci, Storia delV arte Christiana (1881); 
A. Jacquemart, Histoire du mobilier (1876); J. Labarte, Histoire des 
arts industriels (1864); C. Lind, fiber den Krummstab (1863); Sir F. 
Madden, "Lewis Chessmen" (in Archaeologia, vol. xxiv. 1832); 
W. Maskell, Ivories, Ancient and Medieval in the South Kensington 
Museum (1872); A.